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{1585 - CONSTITUTION, FINAL READING}
FIFTY-FIFTH DAY.
SATURDAY, April 27, 1895.
The Convention was called to order at 9 a. m., President Smith in the chair.
Roll call showed a quorum present.
Prayer was offered by Delegate Howard, of Emery.
Journal of the fifty-fourth day's session was read and approved.
Mr. Keith was excused for a few days.
File No. 378 was presented, asking that a woman's suffrage clause be placed in the Constitution.
From Wayne County, 250 names; from Salt Lake City, 15 names; from Uintah County, 450
names; from Rich County, 91 names; from Washington County, 9 names, from Garfield County,
133 names, by Chidester, of Garfield.
File No. 379 was presented, signed by Isaac O. Brown, and 425 others from Kane County, by
Robinson, of Kane.
Ordered filed.
Mr. Roberts offered the following resolution:
Whereas, Convention rule 32 requires that at a reasonable time, to be determined by the Convention, and at least five days before final adjournment, the committee on engrossment and enrollment shall be instructed to accurately engross and enroll the Constitution, therefore, be it
Resoled by the Convention, that one hour and a half each morning shall be devoted to hearing read those articles of the Constitution which the committee on compilation and revision have prepared, and that when finally adopted by the Convention, said articles pass into the hands of the committee on engrossment and enrollment, which committee is hereby authorized to direct the engrossing clerk to engross the same on suitable material preparatory to final reading and signing of the document.
Mr. ROBERTS. Mr. President, I wish to call attention to this fact, that unless some step of this kind shall be taken, we will have completed our rough draft of the Constitution, and then we will have to wait some time for the committee on revision and compilation to complete the last article, if we are going to wait for them to present the Constitution as a whole, after passing through their hands; and then, I take it, sir, that there will be some delay before the final adoption of this instrument and passing it into the hands of the committee on enrollment and engrossment, and this Convention would be held here for some time awaiting the engrossment of the Constitution. But if this resolution shall be adopted and we devote an hour or an hour and a half each morning to considering those articles that are reported by the committee on compilation and
arrangement, they can then pass into the hands of the committee on enrollment and engrossment,
and we will have things running parallel, and the amount of delay that the committee would be
subjected to would be materially decreased. It is out of these considerations that I offer the
resolution to the Convention.
Mr. THORESON. I see by the resolution that it provides that they engage some person to engross
the Constitution. Is not that the duty of the clerk that we have engaged for that purpose?
The PRESIDENT. Yes.
Mr. ROBERTS. Well, if that is true, instruct him to proceed. I did not know what condition that
was in, in fact I did not know we had an engrossing clerk. If you have an amendment to that
effect, I will accept it.
The PRESIDENT. I would state that the engrossing and enrolling clerk is now trying to get the
proper paper upon which to do the engrossing.
Mr. ROBERTS. I think the resolution there requires that suitable material be obtained. I presume
that that would be parchment if it can be had.
Mr. THORESON. Mr. President, I am very much in favor of the resolution, and I wish to state
that the chairman in behalf of the committee on compilation and arrangement_that this
{1586}
meets the hearty approval of that committee and we are working to this end.
Mr. RICKS. Mr. President, I am opposed to the resolution, because I do not think it is necessary.
I understand from the chairman of the committee on compilation and arrangement that all the
articles that have passed this Convention are now ready to be presented to this Convention. The
only thing that we are waiting for to-day is to have that calendar, cleared there, so that we can
consider them, and if the calendar can be cleared this afternoon, we will go through all the
Constitution that has passed the Convention this afternoon. It will then go to the engrossing
clerk. There need be no delay whatever when we get the calendar cleared, and I don't think the
resolution is necessary at all.
Mr. THORESON. Mr. President, just in explanation, I wish to state that there have been
objections made to the committee on compilation making any report at all until the entire
Constitution is passed. I understand by this resolution that that committee can report in part, as
the compilation has passed, and the engrossment will commence immediately, and this I consider
will expedite the work.
Mr. RICKS. Mr. President, the question has been raised whether this motion is in order,
inasmuch as it involves a suspension of the rules. I move as an amendment to the motion that the
rules be suspended and that the committee on compilation and arrangement be requested to
report their work as fast as possible to this Convention. I think that will do away with the
resolution entirely.
Mr. ROBERTS. Mr. President, I think there is no reason why that should be done, as this resolution is in strict accord with the rules of the Convention, and especially meeting the requirements of rule 32. I hope we are within five days of the close of this Convention, and certainly the action contemplated by rule 32 ought to be provided for, and this work of engrossment and enrollment ought to be set in motion. Something ought to be done to meet this rule, and with that in view I have drawn up this resolution.
Now, sir, with the indulgence of the house, I wish to call attention to the necessity of some step
of this kind. In the first place, for this Convention to complete the Constitution and then wait
while the committee on compilation and arrangement shall complete its revision and then have
five days elapse before the Convention has the Constitution finally engrossed, is unnecessary. We
want to place this work in such condition that it can all be going on at the same time. The articles
of the Constitution are so distinct in their nature, and I am sure have received such careful
consideration by the committee on compilation and arrangement_for instance the article called
the bill of rights, and perhaps the article on executive, the article on legislative, the article on
judiciary, could be considered we will say one morning, and then they could go to the engrossing
clerk and that work be going on, and then the next morning we could consider three or four other
articles that have been finally finished at the hands of the committee on compilation and
arrangement, pass upon them and let them go on to the engrossing clerk.
Mr. RICKS. I do not think that resolution contemplates that. It says after they have all been
passed upon by the Convention, then it goes to the engrossing clerk.
Mr. ROBERTS. It says such articles as have been passed.
Mr. RICKS. Then I have no objection to the resolution.
Mr. LUND. I will ask if that does not read, when they are finally adopted they go to the
engrossing and enrolling clerk?
Mr. ROBERTS. It is the articles as finally adopted, as for instance say,
{1587 - ABSENTEES}
Monday morning we consider in the hour and a half devoted to that, the article entitled
declaration of rights, the article on executive, the article on legislative. Each as it is finally
accepted by the Convention then goes to the engrossing clerk and not the complete Constitution.
I am sure it is the meaning and it is expressed.
Mr. RICKS. Mr. President, there is one amendment I would suggest. It says an hour and a half
each morning. I should suggest an hour and a half each day.
Mr. ROBERTS. I have no objection to that, although the morning would be a good time.
Mr. CRANE. Mr. President, I will say for the committee on compilation and revision, that about next Tuesday we shall have fifteen of the articles revised, compiled, and printed for the use of the Convention. It was thought advisable by a majority of the committee, I believe, that we should have the bill of rights, legislative, executive, and ordinance printed at the same time, so that that
there will be no conflict between any of the sections that might be introduced. It has been thought
by some of the prominent members of the Convention that we could not do that, that there might
be a conflict between some of the sections, and that no article should be introduced for the final
passage before this body until the whole Constitution was printed before them, so that each and
every member can look for himself. But I am impressed with the fact that this resolution of the
gentleman from Davis County is a good one. It will certainly save us four days at the close of the
Convention.
Mr. CREER. I just wish to make a suggestion, to change the word, inasmuch to whereas.
Mr. ROBERTS. I have no objection.
Mr. HART. Mr, President, the resolution appears to me to be a very wise one to adopt at this
time, but it also occurs to me that it will overrule rule
number 22. I think it will entirely change the latter part of that rule, and I think it should go to the
committee on rules as a matter of course before the Convention passes upon it. I raise the point of
order that under our rules it be referred. to the committee on rules.
Mr. ANDERSON. Mr. President, I move that this be referred to the committee on rules.
Mr. EVANS (Utah). Mr. President, I would move to amend, by suspending the rules on the
adoption of this resolution.
Mr. CHIDESTER. I move the previous question.
The previous question was ordered. The resolution was adopted.
Mr. CORAY. Mr. President, I desire to offer the following resolution:
Resolved, that the sergeant-at-arms be directed to spread the names of the tardy members on the bulletin board, and that the aforesaid be required to produce a reasonable excuse for said tardiness, and that in the absence of such excuse said members be reprimanded by the president for slothfulness.
I move its adoption.
Mr. BUTTON. I move to lay it on the table.
The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
Mr. HART. Mr. President, I have a resolution I wish to offer:
Resolved, that the secretary record upon the journal of the Convention the names of all absentees and also the names of members excused by the Convention from attendance.
Thus far there has been no record kept upon our minutes of the names of absentees. There has been no incentive to attendance, that is so far as that is concerned. A member might go about his
business for two weeks and no one was the wiser for it. He drew his four dollars per day, just the
same as the member who faithfully attended upon this Convention. The situation that has
confronted us the last day or two suggests
{1588 - CORPORATIONS}
the propriety now of
enforcing the attendance of members of this Convention. There are some members that should be
excused, but the Convention should pass upon the necessity of excusing them, and from this time
on I am in favor of keeping a strict record of those who absent themselves, and permitting
members to be absent only upon consent of the Convention.
Mr. CORAY. Mr. President, I concur in what the gentleman from Cache says. There seems to be
a disposition now upon the part of members to stay away and go home, and a great many of the
Salt Lake delegates are tardy. It is almost impossible to get some of the members here. It is the
duty of every member to stay here until the work is thoroughly done.
Mr. THURMAN. Mr. President, I do not know whether that resolution is wise or not. Is it not a
fact that we get along better when there are only about half of us here?
Mr. EICHNOR. Yes, sir.
Mr. CHIDESTER. Mr. President, that may be true, as suggested by Mr. Thurman, but I suggest
they have no right to draw their pay.
Mr. THURMAN. We are not drawing any pay. The pay has been stopped days ago.
Mr. CHIDESTER. There may be a little to come yet and those that do attend and make the
Constitution should have it.
Mr. EVANS (Weber). Mr. President, I move that the resolution be tabled. The motion was
rejected.
The resolution was adopted.
Mr. BUTTON. Mr. President, I move to suspend the rules, and that no members be allowed to
speak more than three minutes on any question.
Mr. RICKS. Mr. President, I would amend by making it one minute.
Mr. IVINS. Mr. President, either of these motions is entirely inconsistent. There will be some
very important matters yet to come before this Convention, and it seems to me that it is
unreasonable to say that no man shall occupy more than three minutes on this floor. I am entirely
opposed to any such motion prevailing.
Mr. BUTTON. Mr. President, I have sat here and listened to members putting in resolutions and
withdrawing them and spending three or four hours over them. Now, if we get this through we
will have less time on these resolutions that are put in, just for somebody to make an effort.
Mr. MORITZ. Mr. President, I wish to state that I am opposed to that rule; we probably have not enforced the five minute rule yet.
The motion of Mr. Button was rejected.
The Convention then resolved itself into committee of the whole, with Mr. Van Horne in the
chair.
Mr. JAMES. Mr. Chairman, at the adjournment of this committee yesterday evening_I will be as
brief as I possibly can, in calling the attention of the Convention to this matter. The reason why I
offered to strike out the first section, which I was explaining yesterday afternoon, at the time of
the adjournment, was as I explained to you yesterday; we found that there was a vast difference
between insurance companies. We found that fire insurance companies had not created a
dissatisfaction that life insurance companies had created. We found further that fire insurance
companies had not been the cause of impositions upon the public that life insurance companies
had. We found further that a uniform deposit as a guaranty fund for the protection of policy
holders was not practicable, for the reason that one company may have a capitalization so that it
is able to do a hundred thousand dollars' worth of business in a year and another may not be able
to do twenty-five, although each company may be absolutely sound. For that reason, I concluded
that the best thing I could do was to draw up this
{1589}
resolution which you have before you,
and have it presented to the Convention, so that the Legislature might fix some sum as a guaranty
fund for the protection of the policy holders, and that therefore that guaranty fund might be
increased in proportion to the amount of business engaged in our community by these companies.
In answer to Judge Maloney yesterday evening as to why I did not strike out the words fire
insurance, and fix a hundred thousand dollars for life insurance, it was this very reason. Some
very good companies would be unable to do any business at all, and it would practically put the
business into the hands of a monopoly. For that reason I offered this resolution. I do not believe
that there is any class of business in Utah that deserves the attention of the Legislature any more
than this insurance business, and I believe we ought to pass this resolution, and if it is not strong
enough, make it stronger. I do not say that I have made that resolution as perfect and as strong as
it should be. I have simply done the best I can, and I hope if any members of this Convention can
see any opportunity to improve that resolution, they will take up the opportunity. Insurance
companies to-day are controlled by combines just as complete as any combine can be. The sugar
trust, the trust with its oil and with its white lead, and a dozen other combinations are no more
complete combines than this business, and I am sorry for the insurance men of this town, after
having investigated the business, that do not dare to come to me and write a policy without the
consent of the combine in San Francisco. I say, when men are tied up hand and foot in that sort of
manner, it is time that this Convention put the matter in shape so that the Legislature can take it
up and deal with it intelligently and so as to correct these evils as far as possible. It cannot be
done in this Convention. It is a detailed proposition of legislation that we cannot go into and we
cannot handle it, but let us do the best we can.
Mr. MALONEY. Mr. Chairman, I am opposed to the substitute. I want to know what good it is to the policy holders for the company to be subject to the control of the Legislature of Utah, what officer is to look after this land, see the value of it, see whether or not it is encumbered or not. I
say the resolution is not worth the paper it is written on, and if that is the only security that policy
holders are to have in this Territory, we might as well not have any. Now, I am opposed to it
from the beginning to the end. This committee unanimously passed upon this section 26. I do not
care whether it applies to fire insurance companies or not. It is originally intended to reach life
and accident companies, and not fire companies. There is no complaint here against fire
insurance companies. I am unable to see why the chairman of this committee now moves to
strike out more of the sections of the article than any of the other delegates in this Convention.
Mr. JAMES. Do not you admit, Judge Maloney, that that section has got to be amended as it
stands before this committee?
Mr. MALONEY. Just amend it so that it applies to life insurance companies.
Mr. JAMES. Then amend it as you please. I will support you.
Mr. MALONEY. Then, I will move an amendment, to insert the words, life or accident. Then
it lets out all the fire companies. I have never had any complaint against them.
Mr. BOWDLE. I want to ask Mr. James a question, if this section was stricken out, would not the
Legislature have complete control of the whole business?
Mr. JAMES. Why, I think that question answers itself. We understand
{1590}
that it does. Is
there anything then that compels the Legislature to give this matter attention, I ask you, to
prevent this robbery that is going on by these wildcat companies? The insurance men do not
object to the legislalationthat will keep insurance business on a safe basis. They ask to have it
done. In answer to Mr. Maloney, so far as the insurance companies are con-concerned [*note*],
the strongest insurance companies in this town admit that something should be done. To Mr.
Evans and me, the man that does one-third of the business in this town, admitted that a deposit
should be required of fire companies.
Mr. BOWDLE. As I understand this substitute, there is no amount fixed. It simply says to the
Legislature, you must do something. It may be a dollar bond or a ten dollar bond. That would be
the interpretation would, it not_leaving it perfectly optional with the Legislature?
Mr. EICHNOR. I would like to ask Mr. Maloney a question. I think I understood your
amendment that life and accident insurance companies would be required to put up a deposit say
of a hundred thousand dollars?
Mr. MALONEY. Yes, sir, I understand that the main companies of Utah have made no objection
to it at all.
Mr. EICHNOR. I do not want to be understood as objecting. I had enough of railroad companies
yesterday, but will your amendment preclude or nullify any insurance that was taken out, outside
of the State of Utah, and the person should happen to move into the State?
Mr. MALONEY. Oh, no.
Mr. THURMAN. Mr. Chairman, I desire to say one or two words in opposition to the substitute.
I hope the substitute will not prevail. I think it is useless in every sense of the word. If we want to
do something, if something must be done, let us do it here. Whatever must be done should not be
left to the Legislature. The Legislature would have full power to do all this business anyway. I am
in favor of the amendment, when it is in order, proposed by the gentleman from Weber. I do not
know that a hundred thousand dollars is the proper amount. If it is too much, cut it down, but as
far as the principle goes, I am in favor of it.
Mr. SQUIRES. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, this question just spoken of by Mr. Thurman of the
sum to be deposited by these companies_ought it not to be left so that it can be fixed in
proportion to the amount of business transacted by each company? One company may do ten
thousand dollars' worth of business and another a. hundred thousand. It would be hardly fair, it
seems to me, to compel them both to make the same deposit.
Mr. BUTTON. Is this the substitute we are talking about?
Mr. SQUIRES. The original section is just as much before the house as the substitute or the
amendment. I should be in favor of this section as it stands, if it could be so amended as to make
the amount of despositin comparison to the volume of business transacted by each company in
the Territory.
Mr. MALONEY. The trouble about that is, no one knows the amount of business they are doing,
unless their reports filed with the secretary of state will tell.
Mr. SQUIRES. Then the other trouble is that we are stating the figure so high that we will rule
out a whole lot of good safe companies, and if that is the case, the matter should certainly be left
to the Legislature so that no injustice will be done to any company.
The question being taken on the adoption of the substitute offered by Mr. James, it was rejected.
The CHAIRMAN. The question recurs upon the amendment proposed by Mr. Maloney.
Mr. MALONEY. Mr. Chairman, at the suggestion of the gentleman I will
{1591}
move to insert
the words, until otherwise provided by law.
Mr. JAMES. Mr. Chairman, I cannot help but oppose this proposition. Whenever a proposition
comes before this Convention that will be an injustice to some company or a hardship, I am
going to vote against it. As I said to you before, there is no use of my going over this ground
again. There are companies that are perfectly sound; people would just as soon insure in them as
any other company that can afford to put up a hundred thousand dollars, and others that cannot
put up to exceed five. Now, is that any sort of a proposition for this Convention to adopt?
Mr. IVINS. Mr. Chairman, I move that section 26 be stricken out. My only reason for not
supporting the substitute offered by Mr. James was that I believed the whole matter ought to be
left to the Legislature, that they will have ample power to act, and they will act, and therefore, I
favor the striking out of the section.
Mr. JOLLEY. Mr. Chairman, I move that in line 8 the words one hundred thousand dollars be
made to read, fifty thousand dollars.
Mr. BOWDLE. Mr. Chairman, if I understand the amendment it would apply to all secret
societies would it not?
Mr. IVINS. That is right.
Mr. BOWDLE. No question about it. If any of you men are in the Masonic association or have a
life insurance in that, or if you are an Odd Fellow, or belong to any other secret society and carry
beneficial policy in that, and such an association wishes in this Territory or coming State to write
any such insurance_
Mr. BUTTON. May I ask the gentleman a question?
Mr. BOWDLE. Just wait until I get through and I will answer you, gentlemen. There is no
question about that, gentlemen. I don't carry a policy in any of those associations of which I
speak, although I carry considerable insurance, some in the regular old straight line and so on;
but I submit to you, gentlemen, that that would strip the Woodmen of this city. I understand they
have quite an organization here_and all that class oi insurance. And I know there are poor men in
this city that are carrying that kind of insurance, and that in a number of cases of death it has been
the sole protection of the families of those men, and I am opposed to that kind of legislation here
that will bar the poor man from getting the insurance he can carry by paying his little monthly
installments as he goes along.
Mr. BUTTON. The gentleman yesterday got up and read a long speech citing authorities that any
corporation or association doing business in this Territory would he exempt. I want to ask the
gentleman if the Odd Fellows or the Masons or Woodmen or any other of the secret societies in
this city that were doing business would be affected by this?
Mr. BOWDLE. I would answer your question most emphatically and unequivocally, it would
affect them.
Mr. BUTTON. That was not the decision you read yesterday.
Mr. BOWDLE. No, sir; that was a different question. In the case that we were discussing yesterday, it was of a corporation organized before the adoption of this Constitution, which would depend upon two things; first, there is an implied contract with the State that that corporation shall do business according to the arrangement they have entered into. That does not cut much of a figure in the courts, and in the decisions and in the text writers, but there is a contract between the stockholders in that corporation_a sacred contract that you cannot impair.
Now, all the insurance that is written up to-day would not be affected, but you want to go into an
association of that kind; you are not a stockholder or
{1592}
a policy holder in it. It would affect
all subsequent contracts of that kind.
Mr. EVANS (Utah). Mr. Chairman, it seems to me that as many men as there are here, there are
just about that many opinions, and I think that we ought to vote down all these amendments, and
vote to strike out this section entirely and leave it to the Legislature, and perhaps they will be able
to ascertain about what would be right, and if it should be found that whatever they may fix upon
has been an error, it will be in the power of a future Legislature to recall, and I am in favor of
striking this out.
The amendment proposed by Mr. Jolley was rejected.
The amendment offered by Mr. Maloney to insert the words, until otherwise provided by law,
was rejected.
The remainder of the amendment offered by Mr. Maloney was rejected.
Mr. HART. Mr. Chairman, the only thing to do now, it seems to me, is to strike out the entire
section. This amount is altogether too high.
The motion to strike out section 26 was agreed to.
Mr. BARNES. Mr. Chairman, I move that section 27 be stricken out.
The motion was agreed to.
Section 28 was read.
Mr. CHIDESTER. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike out section 28.
Mr. IVINS. Mr. Chairman, I move that the words semi-annual be stricken out of line 4 of
section 28, and the word annual inserted in lieu thereof.
Mr. CHIDESTER. Mr. Chairman, until this motion is made, I will withdraw the motion to strike
out.
Mr. IVINS. Mr. Chairman, in the confusion, I did not hear the motion to strike out. If there is a
motion to strike out, I will withdraw the amendment until that is determined, because I prefer
myself to have the whole thing stricken out.
Mr. EVANS (Utah). Mr. Chairman, I am opposed to striking this section out. I think that when companies organize in this State for the purpose of doing business, it will be a protection for citizens to know their standing, and I am in favor of asking the Legislature to require that they shall make reports. I have no objections, however, to the amendment, as suggested by the
gentleman from Washington; perhaps semiannually will be too often; but I hope that the motion
to strike out will not prevail. It ought to remain in there. The citizens ought to have an
opportunity of knowing the standing of the companies.
Mr. CANNON. Mr. Chairman, I quite agree with the last speaker, that it is a good thing for the
public to know the standing of the company through its published statement, but I disagree with
him in placing it at this time in the Constitution. I believe it should be left to the Legislature, and
I think the Legislature will take the pains to regulate that matter. It has always done so in the past,
and I am in favor of striking out.
Mr. SQUIRES. Mr. Chairman, I am in favor of striking out the whole section, but before we take
a vote upon that it might be well to correct it in case it did not go out. I should like to see stricken
out, in line 5, after the word expense, these words, for the information and protection of the
people. It does not make any difference what they make the report for or what the object of the
report is, so that it is made and printed.
Mr. JAMES. Mr. Chairman, I think that the gentleman has misapprehended the purpose of those
words. The purpose of those words in this section is to compel a statement that will set forth
what business they have done, and as the Legislature may determine how they have done it in this
Territory, so that it will become a protection, that business may not run loose and slipshod
{1593}
and leave matters in a way so that the public may be taken advantage of.
Mr. MALONEY. Mr. Chairman, I would like to have the chairman of the committee say one
word in favor of the report.
Mr. JAMES. In answer to the_
The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Preston has the floor.
Mr. PRESTON. Mr. Chairman, I am very agreeable to the amendment that is made here, but I
think section 28 ought to be stricken out. I think the Legislature ought to be required to give us
information concerning those companies at least once a year.
Mr. IVINS. Mr. Chairman, the question has been sprung as to whether in case the motion to
strike out shall prevail, it will still be open to amendment; some of the members are of the
opinion that it will not, that amendments to perfect it will first be made. Now, if there is any
doubt in regard to this question, I want a vote on my proposed amendment, in line 4, before a
vote is taken.
Mr. HART. Mr. Chairman, I think I can give the necessary information on that point. When
amendments are made to a section, or any member desires to make any amendment to a section,
those amendments should be put before the motion to strike out, but if, after all the amendments
are put, and the motion to strike out is put and not carried, the section is still open to amendment
under our rules.
The amendment of Mr. Squires was agreed to.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the motion of Mr. Ivins to make the report annually instead
of semi-annually.
Mr. CANNON. I would ask the gentleman if he would not accept the amendment making it this
way: To make reports at least annually to the governor; so that it will not prohibit reports being
required to be made oftener if necessary.
Mr. IVINS. I would prefer the amendment just as I proposed it, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. THURMAN. Mr. Chairman, I am opposed to the motion, on thinking over the effect it may
have. It will limit the power of the Legislature so that they can never require these companies to
make a report oftener than that if they see fit. I don't think we ought to do that. There may be a
reason for requiring a semi-annual report.
Mr. EVANS (Weber). Mr. Chairman, I want to state, too, that banks are all required to make
quarterly reports, and I see no reason why an insurance company should not make reports twice a
year. I am opposed to the striking out of the word semi.
Mr. STREVELL. I would like to ask if this be stricken out, in case we had an insurance
commissioner, if he could call on the insurance companies for a statement at any time? First, I
thought it should be left so that if a special statement was wanted we could call for it and have it.
Mr. IVINS. Mr. Chairman, my purpose in making this motion is this: Those who are acquainted
with the insurance business know that it requires a great deal of time for these insurance
companies, which are doing business all over the country, to prepare these reports, and if you
require them to make a semi-annual report, they will be almost continually engaged in the work
of making the reports. If an annual report is published, and that the present law requires, and
there is no doubt but that future Legislatures would still require it_this seems to me to be
sufficient. It is for that reason that I wish this change made.
Mr. EVANS (Utah). Mr. Chairman, I move to amend by striking out semi, in line 4, and
inserting in lieu thereof, make at least annual reports to the governor. That will make it proper
for them to require quarterly or semi-annually
{1594}
or anything else, but they must do it at
least once a year.
Mr. JAMES. Mr. Chairman, I hold now that it is merely encumbering the Constitution to adopt this section. All the benefits that were in the section have been stricken out. The Legislature has required of all insurance companies in this Territory to make an annual report, and that annual report is made. I defy any man on this floor or anywhere else in this Territory, to take that annual report, and use it, for any protection whatever for himself, or to give himself any information. It is just merely what you see on the walls of all insurance companies, that they have so many millions, and that is all you get. Now, for heaven's sake, what do we want to encumber our Constitution with a provision of that kind for? This section provided that they should make a
report for the protection and benefit of the policy holders. That has been stricken out. Now,
gentlemen, let us strike it all out.
Mr. THURMAN. Second the motion.
Mr. THORESON. Mr. Chairman, I believe it will be proper at this stage of the proceedings to
strike out the words, William F. James, Chairman, at the end of this article.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman's remark is out of order.
Mr. JAMES. I say, Mr. Chairman, such remarks as that should be
The CHAIRMAN. Mr. James has not been recognized by the chair yet.
Mr. CHIDESTER. I arise to a point of order. The gentleman has spoken once.
Mr. JAMES. I asked the chairman to require personal remarks made before this Convention to be
withdrawn.
Mr. THORESON. Mr. Chairman, I withdraw the remark.
Mr. BARNES. Mr. Chairman, I think that careful consideration of this subject will show us in
advance that the section is unnecessary and no protection whatever. The law already provides for
an annual statement to be rendered. I favor the striking out of the section entirely.
The amendment of Mr. Evans of Utah was agreed to.
Mr. THORESON. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike out the word print, in line 4 of this section,
and insert published in lieu thereof.
Mr. RICKS. Mr. Chairman, I arise to a point of order. I think the vote ought to be continued until
we finish up before making any more amendments.
Mr. BARNES. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike out the section.
The motion was agreed to.
Section 29 was read.
Mr. BUTTON. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike out all after thereto, in line 7. That is covered in
two or three places already in this Constitution.
Mr. JAMES. Mr. Chairman, I hope that that proposition will not prevail. This proposition is submitted to you after consultation with the best bankers in Salt Lake City, the oldest and the largest, and not only from them has come information regarding that, but from individuals. This
provision is the same provision that they have in the state of New York, which is said to be the
best that there is in the United States, and is the one from which the national banking law was
enacted, and the only difference between this and the New York state bank provision of the same
section is it is curtailed to about one-half, for the reason that it was thought the New York bank
provision in its full force would be too stringent for our institutions here in Utah.
Mr. BARNES. Mr. Chairman, I perceive by reading section 29 that the matter that is proposed to
be stricken out refers directly to banking purposes. I think it is all right as it stands there, sir.
Mr. CANNON. Mr. Chairman, I am in favor of retaining the part proposed
{1595}
to be stricken
out. While it may be possibly covered in substance in other parts, this refers especially to
banking, and provides that no special charter shall be granted. I think it should remain.
Mr. BUTTON. Mr. Chairman, in the first section of this article on corporations, it is covered, and
it is covered in two or three other places.
The question being taken on the motion, the committee divided and by a vote of 33 ayes to 31
noes, the motion was agreed to.
Mr. RICHARDS. I desire to ask the chairman of the committee the meaning of this section_what
now remains of it, in this particular; it says the Legislature shall, by general law, conform all
charters of banks or institutions for banking to a uniformity of powers, rights and liabilities, etc.?
I want to know whether this means that the charters of banking institutions in existence at the
time of the adoption of this Constitution will be remodeled.
The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Button, you must maintain order when gentlemen are speaking.
Mr. BUTTON. I will try and not disturb them.
The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Sergeant-at-arms, call Mr. Button before the bar of this house.
Mr. VARIAN. Mr. Chairman, are we in committee of the whole? If we are, I suggest that the
proceedings are irregular.
The CHAIRMAN. The only thing is that when the chair calls order for gentlemen speaking
before this committee, the order of the chair must be obeyed.
Mr. BUTTON. I am willing to come before the chair if I disturbed the gentleman.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman will take his seat now. It is all right.
Mr. BUTTON. I want to apologize to the gentleman if I disturbed him.
The CHAIRMAN. Very well.
Mr. BUTTON. Mr. James, did I disturb you?
Mr. JAMES. No. It was Mr. Richards.
Mr. BUTTON. Oh!
Mr. RICHARDS. The gentleman did not disturb me at all.
The CHAIRMAN. He disturbed the chair. If the chair is well advised about it, it is under the
impression that there is a rule against gentlemen talking on the floor of this committee, while
gentlemen are addressing the committee, and it was to avoid a violation of that rule that the chair
called Mr. Button to order.
Mr. BUTTON. I had not spoken a word or even whispered when the chair called me to order_not
even whispered.
The CHAIRMAN. It was very singular, the chair heard the sound from there and saw the
gentleman leaning half way or more across the table.
Mr. BUTTON. A man might lean over the table without speaking.
Mr. VARIAN. Is there anything before the committee?
The CHAIRMAN. Nothing, sir.
Mr. VARIAN. I call for the question.
The CHAIRMAN. Except the question of Mr. Richards to Mr. James.
Mr. RICHARDS. I asked the meaning of this language in section 29. I desire to know whether
that language is intended to apply to the banks in existence at the time of the adoption of this
Constitution, and whether those charters are to be made to conform to some general law; in other
words, whether they are to be changed? I should suppose that the language was intended to apply
to banking institutions created under the power of the State, but for what follows in that section.
It seems to make a distinction there.
Mr. JAMES. This section, as I understand it, comes from the fact that there are two
systems_well, you might say three systems of banking; there is the private banker, there is the
state incorporation,
{1596}
and there is the national bank. Now, as I said to you a little while
ago, this provision is an absolute copy from the constitutional act adopted a year ago by the state
of New York, and before this committee adopted that section, the chairman sought the advice of
our leading bankers here, and they said that it was, so far as they knew, the best provision for the
regulation of banks that they knew of in the United States, and that was the information I got so
far as it went.
Mr. RICHARDS. Then I desire to ask another question_whether the chairman, from the information that he has, understands that under this provision of law the Legislature could change the charters of existing banks, so as to make them conform to a uniform system.
Mr. JAMES. Well, I doubt that.
Mr. RICHARDS. Well, I have no doubt about it, Mr. Chairman, and this language evidently is
intended to mean that.
Mr. JAMES. You will observe that at the beginning of this article there is a provision that in
order to benefit by future legislation, corporations must accept the provisions of this
Constitution. Now, that provision was put in there to meet just such difficulties as you have in
your mind here regarding this section. The supposition is that under that provision which we
passed yesterday, these corporations will conform to the provisions of this article, and that would
bring them under that regulation.
Mr. RICHARDS. I do not understand, Mr. Chairman, that we can legislate in this Constitution to
change the articles of incorporation of corporations existing at the time of the adoption of this
Constitution. Now, it is clearly within the power of this Convention to provide in the
Constitution that a uniform system of banking may be provided for, as to incorporations hereafter
created, but it seems to me that we have no power to change the articles of existing corporations.
I therefore desire to move an amendment to what remains of this section. I am not prepared now
to suggest the amendment.
Mr. THURMAN. Isn't it a fact that the latter part of the section as it now stands cures the
objection you made?
Mr. RICHARDS. No, sir; I think not. I think that clearly points out and makes beyond question
the objection that I do make. It might be if the language of the fore part of the section were there
alone I think the presumption would be and the proper rule of construction would be that it
related to corporations created in the future, but as it stands, it clearly shows that it is intended to
relate to something else, because the latter part here refers only to those hereafter created. I move
that this section be stricken out.
Mr. THURMAN. Mr. Chairman, I am opposed to striking it out. There is no court that can or
will construe the section as Mr. Richards says it may be construed. In the first place, it would be
unconstitutional to do it, and therefore void. It would only apply to organizations after this
Constitution goes into effect, and there ought to be a ageneral law requiring banks to be uniform
in the very particular here pointed out. It ought to be made as obligatory as possible upon the
Legislature to pass that.
Mr. CANNON. I would like to ask you how you would conform to uniform powers, rights, and
liabilities, the banks which are different in their character, for instance a national bank, or a state
bank, or a commercial bank, or a savings bank, all of which are different in their character?
Mr. THURMAN. We cannot deal with national banks to the extent that we can other banks. I will admit that, because they are governed by the national law, but as far as other banks are concerned we can.
Mr. CANNON. Can you conform a
{1597}
commercial bank and a savings bank to similar
powers, liabilities, etc.?
Mr. THURMAN. I don't see why we cannot, as far their powers, liabilities, and rights go.
Mr. RICHARDS. I desire to say in reply to what the gentleman from Utah has said about what a
court will do, that I concur with him fully, that a court would not give this an ex post facto
construction. The court will hold that the language we have in here is absolutely void and does
not mean anything, and as a member of this Convention, I do not want to be put in the attitude of
placing language in this Constitution that I know is susceptible of that construction only and will
receive such construction from the court.
Mr. STREVELL. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike out all after the word liability. It seems to me
that would remove the objection Mr. Richards has and it would give general powers for creating
banks.
Mr. CANNON. Mr. Chairman, I am opposed to the different amendments and am in favor of the
motion to strike out. I find upon examining the late constitution of New York, of 1894, that the
language used in this section is adapted from that, but some words are stricken out that change
the meaning entirely. Section 4 of article 8 of the constitution of New York provides that the
legislature shall by general law conform all charters of savings banks or institutions for savings
to a uniformity of powers, rights, and liabilities. The language is the same, excepting that in the
New York constitution they have it banks of a similar character. If you attempt to conform
savings banks and commercial banks to like powers, rights, and liabilities, I believe you will run
across a snag that you cannot get over.
Mr. ANDERSON. Mr. Chairman, I hope that this section may be stricken out. If it remains it will
give the Legislature power to change the contracts of those institutions that have their charters
already, which I do not think can be done. Therefore, I think this should go out.
The amendment of Mr. Strevell was agreed to.
The motion to strike out was agreed to.
Section 30 was read.
Mr. CANNON. I move it be stricken out, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. EVANS (Weber). I would like to inquire of the chairman of the committee what that section
means?
Mr. JAMES. I suppose the section answers what it means. It is to prevent a banking business being done otherwise, excepting upon specie. It is the exact language of the New York act, and is the one, as I said to you before, as a number of our leading banking men have said to me, that the national banking law was enacted upon.
The motion was agreed to.
Section 31 was read.
Mr. CANNON. Mr. Chairman, I think this section confers no power that the Legislature does not
have. I move to strike it out.
The motion was agreed to.
Section 32 was read.
Mr. HART. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike out that section. We had a similar section yesterday
in reference to insurance companies. I was in favor of having both of these sections adopted, but
the Convention here struck out the section, making a similar provision for insurance companies,
and now, in order to do justice to banks, I am in favor of striking out the other also. I suppose
that every member who voted to strike out the insurance article will to-day vote to strike out this
article, and those who were in favor of permitting the other to remain, certainly should be in
favor of striking this out now, because it places a burden upon them that is not placed upon the
other corporations.
Mr. VARIAN. Mr. Chairman, it occurs
{1598}
to me that this is a different proposition. I was
not here yesterday when the matter relating to insurance companies was discussed, but I think
this is a very good proposition to be retained in the organic law. I think if there is going to be any
system of state banking, a guard and protection like this ought to be thrown about the people who
deal with the banks. I remember quite a pronounced case in favor of the efficacy of a law of this
kind, occurring many years ago on the Pacific coast, when the bank of California closed its doors,
and for a time paralyzed the financial and business enterprises of the entire coast; had it not been
for the fact that the law of California was substantially as this is, the bank would never have
opened its doors. It is a well known matter, known to everybody, and a matter of the current
history of that bank, that it was the intention of the gentlemen who were largely interested in
it_Mr. Mills and others, to let the bank go down, until they were advised by the attorneys of the
bank that every one of them were liable to the extent of their private fortunes, as provided here,
in a sum equal to the amount of stock held by them. They went to work then, and resurrected the
bank. It took them several years to do it. But it paid every dollar to California, Nevada, New
Mexico, Oregon, and all over the coast, and many hundreds of people recovered their money
eventually, who never would have done so. I see no objection to people being required to be held
to some liability of this kind, who enter into the business of banking with the people.
Mr. CANNON. There is also this difference, Mr. Chairman, and gentlemen of the committee, between the proposition of insurance and of banking. The insurance proposition would have
affected existing insurance companies differently, or any new company differently, from the one
now in existence, while this proposition does not affect banks differently. Our present law is just
as this provision is worded. It may not be in the exact language, but the meaning is exactly the
same. Every stockholder in a bank is liable on his stock for an amount equal to that in addition.
The people of Utah, so far as their banking institutions are concerned, have a good reputation.
They have not lost through their incorporated banks. I believe there was one bank in Ogden, and
one in Provo which temporarily closed, but which quickly reopened, owing to the fact that their
stockholders were liable in the same way, and were compelled to make good the losses. I do not
think any harm can be done, although it is a matter which could be attended to by the Legislature.
Mr. JAMES. Mr. Chairman, I must say a word regarding Mr. Hart's remarks comparing
insurance to the bank. Now, it seems to me that it must be evident to all that there is a wide
difference between insurance and banking. If he happens to have a little money that he wishes
taken care of, he goes to the bank. If the humblest and poorest in the land have a dollar to be
taken care of, they go to the savings bank and deposit it. The wealthy do the same. It is a place
where everybody has to go, and it is a sacred trust_taking charge of the public funds, and it is a
business that ought to be guarded by every possible protection that can be thrown around the
people. The insurance business is a different proposition entirely. The insurance companies are
where we cannot reach them, but there happens to be one little insurance company in Salt Lake
City and we are going to reach that one little insurance company in Salt Lake City, that never
wronged a soul out of a cent so far as we know of, and so far as we know are perfectly solvent
and are going along attending to their business, while there are numerous
{1599}
insurance
companies doing business in Utah Territory that we have information of that have been imposing
upon the public, robbing them of their funds, and it is impossible for the stockholders to reach
those companies.
Mr. EVANS (Weber). Mr. Chairman, I should not say anything upon this matter, were it not for
the fact that in our mad chase at striking out many provisions which I believe to be good, I fear
that this will also be stricken out. I set my face firmly against the striking out of the liability of
stockholders of insurance companies, and I am just as firmly against the striking out of this
section. The stockholders of the national banks are made liable in addition to their stock to an
amount equivalent to it. State banks are likewise made liable, and it has become a fundamental
law of the land that stockholders of banks should be made liable in addition to their stock in
order to secure the depositors. And I believe we ought to make the constitutional provision so
that ft will make our banking institutions safer, give our people more confidence in our
institutions, and I believe that it would be for their safety, protection and benefit. I hope the
section will not be stricken out.
Mr. PETERS. Mr. Chairman, I trust this section will remain as it now stands. We had very good
reason for striking out thirty and thirty-one. They were from the constitution of New York. Most
of us are aware that banks in New York in 1893 issued what was called clearing-house
certificates. Those certificates were used as money and it was desirable by that constitution that
that should not be. But now we come to a different proposition. Section 32 has no connection
with 30 and 31. That is for the protection of depositors, and I hope will remain just as it is.
The motion to strike out was rejected.
Section 33 was read.
Mr. CANNON. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike out section 33.
Mr. JAMES. Mr. Chairman, this is the national banking exactly, and it is intended to apply to the
state banks, when the ten per cent. may be removed, which would entitle them to go into business
of issuing currency.
Mr. CANNON. I would like to ask why a man who goes in and deposits perhaps everything he
has in the world in a bank, believing that bank to be solvent, should be secondary to the man who
happens to have a bill of that bank.
Mr. JAMES. I will ask the gentleman if he does not consider the national bank law of the United
States a sound proposition, and if every banker in this town does not know it?
Mr. CANNON. The national banking system may be the best thing that can be for a national
bank, but I know of no reason why a man who may deposit everything he has in the shape of
money in a bank should be made to be secondary to a man who holds a bill of the bank.
The question being taken on the motion, the committee divided and by a vote of 43 ayes to 23
noes the motion was agreed to.
Section 34 was read.
Mr. IVINS. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike out section 34. There is no provision here as to when
this statement shall be made. It may be made once a year or twice a year, or once in five or six
years; if I read it right, it seems to me to mean nothing. Therefore I am opposed to it.
Mr. BARNES. Mr. Chairman, if I read the section correctly, it says, as may be provided by law.
The law now provides that the banks organized under the territorial law can be called upon at any
time by the secretary of the Territory to make their reports. The national banks have to make it in
conformity with the national act.
{1600}
Mr. JAMES. Would our present law compel all styles of banks to make a report?
Mr. BARNES. I think not.
Mr. JAMES. That is why the provision is put in. The national banks are compelled to make a
report. Some other banking institutions escaped that. This is put that way, so as to cover that.
Mr. BARNES. Banks kept by private individuals are not required to make statements, and I think
that they should be.
Mr. CANNON. I would like to ask Mr. Barnes a question. The way the section reads, every banking association may be required. Is it not a fact that our present law compels every bank to publish a statement as called for?
Mr. BARNES. With the exception that I have before referred, yes, sir.
Mr. CANNON. I believe that is a fact. Every banker is required, excepting a national bank.
Mr. RICHARDS. Mr. Chairman, I am in favor of striking this section out for the reason that the
section does not mean anything without legislation. Some part of it has got to be provided by
law_when these statements shall be made; let the Legislature provide the whole thing. It seems to
me it is purely legislation.
The motion to strike out was agreed to.
Section 35 was read.
Mr. VARIAN. I move to strike out that section. I am in entire accord with the evident purpose
underlying the section. I want to call attention to the fact that, as stated here, it is a vicious
innovation upon the administration of the criminal law. Every crime is made up of an act and an
intent. Of necessity the ultimate criminal intent of an act of taking the moneys of other people
contemplates either the wilful design to deprive the other person of his property or to gain a
benefit to the per on so receiving it. Now, here is an absolute declaration of the criminal law
which in the absence of this constitutional provision would not exist. The simple fact that a man
knows that he is insolvent, does not necessarily make him a criminal in continuing to do business
after he has knowledge of that fact. Men, innocently and with a commendable purpose, do that.
Insolvency has a very wide and extended meaning. A man may be insolvent in the general sense,
if an account of stock were taken, if he were to cast up his accounts on either side, and it should
be ascertained that at that time he would not be able to meet his obligations if called upon to do
so; but it does not follow if he can tide over the period of a few days or a week or a few weeks, or
a few months, that he would be insolvent in another sense. Now, this proposes to enact here
arbitrarily that the very fact of a banking association being insolvent, and known to be so by the
director, or cashier, or agent, when money is received, of itself makes the party receiving it a
felon. I think that that sort of legislation ought to be general, ought to be left as other crimes are
left, to the determination of the law upon the particular facts of the individua case.
You can imagine a case where a man would be guilty of a felony_that is, of embezzling money, or obtaining money by false pretenses, under the general language of this section, and yet you may imagine many cases when he would not be, when his honest and commendable purpose was to maintain the institution, knowing, as he might know, that the business faith and credit of many business houses depended upon the fact that the bank should be maintained; knowing that if it went down in a day or an hour, widespread disaster and business ruin might follow in the community. I do not believe, gentlemen, that we want {1601} to do that. There is nothing here contained that the Legislature cannot control by general law, and you can safely leave it to the sense of fair dealing of the community, as evidenced through the shrewdness and desire of men
to maintain their business faith and credit before the community, to protect the people, under
conditions assumed to exist here. I hope that this will not prevail.
Mr. RICHARDS. Mr. Chairman, I desire to say a word or two in support of the view taken by my
colleague from Salt Lake. I am opposed, in the first place, to this, because I do not believe that
we ought to enact a penal code in the Constitution. On general principles, I would be opposed to
it for that reason. I am heartily in accord with the idea that any officer of a bank, who would
knowingly and intentionally receive money after the bank was in an insolvent condition, and
when he knew that the depositors would not be able to get their money back, I think that a man
under those circumstances ought to be punished and that it should be deemed a felony. But I
think the Legislature should provide for that. The objection made by the gentleman from Salt
Lake as to the wording of this section is fundamental. It seems to me that even if we passed this,
the courts could not hold and would not hold it to mean what they say here. For example,
suppose a run is commenced on a bank. The banking institution is perfectly sound; it has two
dollars in property, we will say, for every dollar that it owes, but it has only got in the bank this
morning, fifty per cent. of its deposits, which any banker will tell me is sufficient. It is
conservative banking if he has fifty per cent. Now, a run is started on this bank, and it becomes
apparent that the money he has in the bank is not going to be sufficient. A neighboring banking
institution, in order to prevent the failure of this bank, which may carry down its neighbor at the
same time with it and perhaps all the other banks in the place, comes in and offers to put up some
money. He says, Here we will give fifty thousand dollars, or a hundred thousand dollars of our
money to tide you through today. The man takes the money and puts it on his counter and pays
it out, and before night he pays it all out and his doors are closed. That man would be a felon
under this section. Did he intend any wrong by doing that? No. He intended to save his institution
and to save other institutions, and yet he was unable to meet his liabilities. And is not an
institution insolvent when it cannot meet its liabilities? That is one of the definitions of
insolvency. Now, I say that it would extremely unfortunate for us to adopt such legislation as
this.
Mr. PETERS. Do you claim that the banker would be guilty of felony if he received money from
his neighboring bank, while that individual was fully acquainted with the fact that the bank was
insolvent at the time the money was handed to it?
Mr. RICHARDS. I answer the gentleman by reading this section. (Reads. ) Now, if that man
make that as a deposit, he is, under this section, guilty.
Mr. PETERS. Mr. Chairman, I arise to make a motion; to strike out all after the word received,
in line 9.
The amendment was agreed to.
The question being taken on the motion to strike out the section, the committee divided, and by a
vote of 45 ayes to 15 noes, the motion was agreed to.
Section 36 was read.
Mr. RICHARDS. I desire to ask the chairman of the committee what is the meaning of this language:
No law shall ever be passed granting to any citizen, class of citizens, or corporations, privileges or immunities, which, upon the same terms, shall not equally apply to all citizens? or corporations.
Mr. JAMES. I would prefer to refer {1602} you to the author of the section, Judge Maloney.
Mr. MALONEY. That is, if one incorporation is incorporated, why not another on the same
terms and privileges? In other words, that all of them stand alike. Any set of citizens can
incorporate under this the same as any other. It was taken from the constitution of one of our
eastern states.
Mr. CANNON. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike out section 36. I think it is covered by section 1.
The motion was agreed to.
Section 37 was read.
Mr. KIESEL. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike out section 37.
Mr. CANNON. Mr. Chairman, I trust that motion will not prevail. I believe that this section
should, of all sections in this article, stand. I think it is one which provides for the rights that men
should have, and it is just as important as the article on labor and arbitration was, concerning
blacklisting.
Mr. JAMES. Mr. Chairman, I am very much pleased. It seems that the prodigal son has returned.
[Laughter.] Probably we may get a section through. I hope that the Convention will retain this
section.
Mr. CANNON. I wish to know whether the gentleman refers to himself or me? [Laughter.]
Mr. JAMES. We will debate that by and by. This section is to provide against the interference of
employesand workers, and I believe it is a good section. I do not believe it can do any harm. I
believe it will be a protection, and I should like to see that section adopted.
Mr. ROBERTS. I would like to ask Mr. Cannon what protection is conferred upon the individual
by this section that is not already provided for in our bill of rights?
Mr. CANNON. If the gentleman will point out the section in the bill of rights that he thinks
covers this ground I will try to explain the difference that I think exists between them.
Mr. ROBERTS. Why, sir, the guaranty of freedom to every individual in the State by the bill of rights would cover this. It would cover all that this covers; the right to life, the right to liberty, the right to pursue happiness. The general rights secured by the bill of rights cover everything that
this section covers.
Mr. CANNON. This is to prevent people interfering with those who have got employment, by
saying they shall not work.
Mr. VARIAN. Mr. Chairman, I have some amendments to offer to this section, because if the
motion to strike out shall not prevail, it might preclude an amendment. I want to move to strike
out citizen, in line 1, and insert person, and also the words citizen and resident, in line 5,
and insert person. As to these two amendments, I want to call attention that on the face of it
this is a discrimination in favor of citizens, which would not be permitted under the Constitution
of the United States. Of course the courts would not sustain it in that way. I move to strike out
first, citizen of, and insert person in, and I move to strike out, in line 5, citizen or resident,
and insert person. That will cure the objection that I have in my mind.
The amendment was agreed to.
Mr. VARIAN. Now, Mr. Chairman, I move to strike out the word misdemeanor, in the last
line, and insert crime, before the period; and also, the Legislature shall provide by law for the
enforcement of this article.
Mr. JAMES. Mr. Chairman, I support the motion of Mr. Varian and I want to, in reply to a
remark that was made a few moments ago, simply call the attention of the gentleman, Mr.
Roberts, to the argument of Mr. Thatcher on this floor the other day, where he knew of his own
personal knowledge, that men had been followed
{1603}
from the State or Territory of Utah into
Canada, and were driven back again, and were still floating around the country when there was
work for them to be doing, but they could not get it, simply because there was a combination
against them to prevent them from receiving employment.
Mr. THOMPSON. Mr. Chairman, I think this section is fully covered by section 7 of the article
on labor.
Mr. MALONEY. This goes a good deal farther than the section to which the gentleman refers,
and it is something by which the discharged employesof the great corporations may have some
protection, that they cannot be followed through into Canada, and through the United States and
into Mexico.
The amendment was agreed to.
The motion to strike out was rejected.
Section 38 was read.
Mr. THURMAN. Mr. Chairman, I move to amend, commencing in line 7_I think I see what it
means, but the language is peculiar. And I think it ought to be corrected. I may be hypercritical.
Mr. SQUIRES. I presume that semicolon does not belong there.
Mr. MALONEY. If the word section is inserted instead of article, wouldn't that cover it.
Mr. EVANS (Weber). That is undoubtedly what it means anyway. The amendment was agreed
to.
Mr. ANDERSON. Mr. Chairman, I move that we amend the section by striking out all after the
word policy, in line 7, down to and including void, in line 12.
Mr. THURMAN. Mr. Chairman, I second the motion. It seems to me that the language is
somewhat duplicated as it stands anyway. I call attention to the way it reads. That makes that
absolutely void by the constitutional provision. Then we go on and say that the Legislature shall
pass laws for the enforcement of this section, etc., if necessary for that purpose, and may declare
a forfeiture of their franchise. It seems to me if we want to declare them void we should do so,
and quit. If we want to leave it to the Legislature, adopt the amendment proposed by the
gentleman from Weber.
The amendment was agreed to.
Mr. ANDERSON. Mr. Chairman, I move that section 21 be stricken out. I think this is class
legislation and is vicious in the extreme in principle, and it should not be incorporated in the
Constitution.
Mr. CANNON. Mr. Chairman, I arise to a point of order. My point of order is that this identical
motion was made and debated yesterday and was overruled by the committee.
The point of order was sustained.
Mr. CANNON. Mr. Chairman, I move that the word insurance be stricken out. We have struck
out everything but the word.
Mr. JAMES. Mr. Chairman, I think we had better let this go to the third reading of the article.
Maybe the Convention will get into better temper and deal a little more considerately with it.
Mr. VARIAN. Mr. Chairman, I just take advantage of this motion to call attention of the gentlemen to the principle embodied in section 37. We cannot disturb it now, but it seems that it ought to be considered between now and the third reading so that it would not apparently on its face reach all persons who may be honestly and in good faith and for a useful and beneficial purpose interfere and prevent the employment of others. I would like to have my friends think that over so that we may get it into proper shape on third reading. The intention is to prevent a criminal or wrongful interference with the rights of others. It is broad enough to include anybody, for a good and useful purpose, depriving his fellow citizens from getting employment. It ought to be, it seems to me, remodeled {1604 - PUBLIC LANDS} in that particular, so that we will not write ourselves down as it will appear we will if we let this stand. Nothing can be done now,
however, and the gentlemen who are in favor of the proposition can consider the suggestion.
The motion to strike out the word insurance was agreed to.
Mr. SQUIRES. Mr. Chairman, I move that the word banks be stricken out. I do not see the use
of it in there. We have a title for the article_corporations other than municipal.
Mr. JAMES. I hope that will not prevail, Mr. Chairman. There are some sections retained there
affecting banks. This Convention is not so wise but they might get a little wiser before the third
reading, and there might be something that would want to be changed under that heading of
banks.
The motion to strike out was agreed to.
Mr. CHIDESTER. Mr. Chairman, I move that when we do arise we report this article for third
reading.
The motion was agreed to.
The Convention then took a recess until 2 o'clock.
AFTERNOON SESSION.
The committee re-assembled and proceeded to the consideration of the article on public lands.
Section 1 was read.
Mr. PETERS. Mr. Chairman, I move to amend section 1 by transposing in line 31, and
classifying the agricultural lands to second in place of third. Now, in order to give my reasons, I
will call your attention to section 2, which says that lands of the first of said classes may be sold
under such regulations and rules as may be provided by law. Then, it goes on to say that the
agricultural land may be either sold or leased under such rules and regulations as may be
prescribed by law. By making this transposition we can just merely say that lands of the first and
second class may be sold or leased under such rules and regulations as may be prescribed by law,
and lines eight, nine, and ten, can be stricken out. It is just simply to shorten up this thing.
The amendment was agreed to.
Mr. MALONEY. Mr. Chairman, I move that after the word value we insert the words_I will
write it out and send it up.
The CHAIRMAN. What representatives of the committee on public lands are present in the
committee of the whole?
Mr. ROBERTS. I am a member of that committee, Mr. Chairman, and I will say that my
recollection is that when this article was up before in committee and then referred back to the
joint committee of education and school lands and public lands, with which, by the way, I did pot
have an opportunity of meeting, the part that Mr. Maloney is now offering an amendment to was
evidently lost sight of.
Mr. Maloney's amendment was read as follows:
In line 14, after the word value, insert the words as of the date of settlement thereon.
Mr. CREER. Mr. Chairman, that question was discussed in the committee and it was concluded
that it would be the proper thing for the commissioners to take that matter into consideration_the
valuation of the land. Furthermore, it will be observed by reading along down to the 16th line
that the valuation may be adjusted as provided by law. I think that it is all right as it is.
Mr. MALONEY. Mr. Chairman, at the time of settlement, the lands were not surveyed and they
did not know they were on the school lands; they could not get title; they are willing to pay the
value of the lands and interest on the money, as of that date. It will work a great hardship upon
them_they have built their homes upon those sections.
Mr. ROBERTS. I would ask Mr
{1605}
Maloney if the provisions in line 16 would not obviate
the difficulty that he sees in line 14; that is, it is stated in line 14 that the disposition, etc., to be
ascertained in such manner as may be provided bylaw. It seems to me that the matter is
relegated by this section to the Legislature to fix the market value of those lands.
Mr. MALONEY. I would construe that to mean as of the date of the disposition. I hardly think
the Legislature would construe it in the way the gentleman suggests, and in order to make it
certain I think we ought to have the amendment as of the date of the settlement thereon.
Mr. ANDERSON. I would like to ask the gentleman a question, where settlers settle on land,
before it is surveyed, isn't there a United States law that other lands should be selected as school
lands?
Mr. MALONEY. I don't know how that is, but the section I speak of is in Weber County, and the
settlers there are anxious to have something done so that they may secure their homes.
Mr. EVANS (Utah). Mr. Chairman, I was a member of the committee on education and school
lands, and we provided an article upon school lands that fully covers that question. Why it has
not been reported here I do not know. It does not appear upon the calendar, neither have I heard
the report made here, but that fully covers that question. It provides for the objection that Mr.
Maloney raises, and there were no other lands, excepting school lands, that are in that situation,
so far as I know. It is confined exclusively to school lands; for all other lands the people have
located upon they have their titles. Now, any one can tell me, if there is another member of the
committee here that knows anything about that report, I would like to know.
Mr. MALONEY. I have never seen the article.
Mr. BOWDLE. Mr. Chairman, I was a member of that committee on school land, and Mr. Evans is correct upon that. We agreed upon that kind of an article. Why the chairman has not reported it I don't know. It covers this very question which is here raised by this section.
Mr. JOLLEY. I trust, gentlemen of the committee, that the amendment of the gentleman from
Weber will prevail. It will be a great benefit to many people, and very poor people some of them,
too, of our Territory. Now, we have in one of our little settlements in Sanpete County a whole
section of school lands that runs up into the edge of the town_
Mr. SNOW. I would like to say to the gentleman_I think we are talking through our hat on this
question. It does not refer to school lands at all. The chairman of the school lands committee will
report an article that will cover this entirely.
Mr. JOLLEY. Perhaps I am laboring under a mistake. I understood this included school land.
Mr. CREER. No, sir; it does not include it at all.
Mr. MALONEY. Mr. Chairman, if that ground is covered by another report which we have not
had, I do not wish to bother the committee now.
Mr. EVANS (Utah). By permission, I would read this for the benefit of the committee. (Reads.)
Mr. CHIDESTER. Do we understand that that is what will be reported by the committee for our
consideration?
Mr. EVANS (Utah). Yes, sir.
Mr. SQUIRES. Let us dispose of this section first.
Mr. EVANS (Utah). Yes; I have no objection to that.
Mr. HART. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment to offer. In the first line of the section, I move
to insert after the word State, the words except school lands.
Mr. CREER. Mr. Chairman, it seems
{1606}
to me that we might get in confusion by adopting
this, because there are distinct grants made for schools and then for the university, and then it
will be observed that the committee on public lands had nothing at all to do with the
consideration of those educational purposes, and I think the amendment suggested by the
gentleman would not cover the ground, because they are specific, both for colleges, university,
and schools, and different kinds of institutions, of lands, and I think the gentleman ought to defer
his amendment until we see whether it will be proper or not. I don't think it is proper to introduce
it in here.
Mr. CANNON. I think it would be inappropriate to insert the words moved by the gentleman from Cache at the point he has state? Now, if you insert the school lands and do not receive
those, it would not be a proper exception.
Mr. HART. Mr. Chairman, I am quite certain as to the point, and I would be willing to let this go
to the third reading.
The CHAIRMAN. The amendment is withdrawn.
Mr. MALONEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike out the word receive, and insert in lieu
thereof the word accepted, in lines 5 and 6.
The amendment was agreed to.
Section 2 was read.
Mr. PETERS. Mr. Chairman, I move to insert after the word first, in line 1 of section 2, the
words and second, and then strike out the 8th, 9th, and 10th lines. I would simply say that
when I made my motion to transpose part of section 1, I stated my reasons for it at that time, that
I intended to move to strike out these lines.
Mr. RICKS. Mr. Chairman, I do not think we ought to be in a hurry about that amendment. In the
first place, it covers coal lands.
The amendment was agreed to.
Mr. HOWARD. Mr. Chairman, I move that the word second, in line 4, be stricken out and the
word third inserted.
The amendment was agreed to.
Mr. THATCHER. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike out the words, may be sold, on the fourth
line.
The amendment was agreed to.
Mr. EVANS (Utah). Mr. Chairman, now, I move you that section 2 be stricken out down to and
including by law, in line 10. It seems to me that it is purely legislative and ought to have no
place in this Constitution. It all goes on and provides that it shall be prescribed by law, and the
Legislature will have to deal with this question. They will have to take it up and define its
boundaries, and how it is to be disposed of, and so on, and inasmuch as they have got to deal
with it at all, I am in favor of leaving the whole question to them. I am in favor of the last two
lines for the reason that it is, a specific classification and defines what they cannot do or what
they must do.
Mr. THURMAN. Mr. Chairman, I support the amendment of the gentleman from Utah. The only limitation in that whole section, in lines 11 and 12_that I think is a good limitation and the
Legislature ought to be forbidden from disposing of those lands, except as herein specified.
The CHAIRMAN. Don't you think that perhaps that was put in there to cover the question of
leasing by the State?
Mr. THURMAN. Even if it was, Mr. Chairman, and if this Convention thinks that that is
necessary, the section is very cumbersome. Of course, if this Convention wants to limit the power
of the Legislature to sell certain lands or to lease certain lands, that is a necessary limitation, but
the section is certainly very cumbersome the way it is, and I favor the motion to strike out.
Mr. CREER. Mr. Chairman, I am in favor of that, providing that there should be something
substituted. It
{1607}
seems to me there ought to be something placed in this article with
reference to the disposal of the lands. I am in favor of striking out and substituting the provision
in the Wyoming constitution. I have prepared it as a substitute. I supposed there would be some
exceptions taken to this second section.
Mr. HART. I would like to hear from the chairman of this committee his reasons for inserting
this clause. As he is not present, I would then vote to retain this and let it come up on third
reading. There may be some reason for retaining it and it can be acted upon on third reading.
Mr. HILL. Mr. Chairman, the chairman of this committee is not here. I am a member of it. I
accept of the proposition of Mr. Hart, notwithstanding which, I consider the provisions which are
here made are even better than those suggested by Mr. Creer, who is also a member of that
committee. With the amendments as proposed, I think it covers the entire ground. Did I
understand, you, Mr. Thurman, to say that you desired to eliminate the eleventh and twelfth
lines?
Mr. THURMAN, No, I desire to retain those two lines, and strike the balance out.
Mr. HILL. I am willing to submit to that, as a member of the committee.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is upon the motion to strike out all of the section down to line
11.
The question being taken on the motion, the committee divided, and by a vote of 26 ayes to 28
noes, the motion was rejected.
Section 3 was read.
Mr. EICHNOR. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike that section out; that is a legislative enactment.
Mr. EVANS (Utah). Mr. Chairman, I move to amend by striking out section 3 and inserting the
following:
The lands selected to satisfy the grants which have been heretofore or may hereafter be made to the State,shall be allotted to each of the several uses for which the same were granted, so that each may receive its fair proportion thereof, both as to quality and value.
Mr. EICHNOR. I will withdraw my motion to strike out, I would like to ask the gentleman if that is a section prepared by the committee on school lands?
Mr. EVANS (Utah). Yes, sir.
Mr. CANNON. And was agreed upon by that committee?
Mr. EVANS (Utah). Yes, sir.
Mr. CANNON. But no report has been made on it?
Mr. EVANS (Utah), There has been no report made at all. I do not know where the chairman is.
Mr. BOWDLE. In looking up the minutes, I find the report was made, but I do not understand
why the article was not printed.
The substitute offered by Mr. Evans of Utah was adopted.
Mr. MALONEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to add after the last word in the section offered by the
gentleman from Utah County, the words, as of the date of the settlement thereon.
Mr. EVANS (Utah). Don't you want to add that in the next, section?
Mr. MALONEY. Yes, sir. I will withdraw it for the present.
Mr. EVANS (Utah). Mr. Chairman, if there are no amendments to that, I desire to offer a new
section entirely:
The selling price of the public school lands shall not be increased by reason of any improvements made thereon by actual settlers, but such settlers or their grantees shall be given priority in the purchase of such lands.
Mr. MALONEY. Now, I move that the words, as of the date of settlement thereon, be inserted at the end of that section.
Mr. EVANS (Utah), I desire to say this, that means, as I understand it, that the commissioners
will fix a price
{1608}
upon that land, and they are confined only to the specifications as set forth
in that, and then those who first settled upon it, or those who have purchased from them, who are
the actual settlers, will have the opportunity of rejecting under these stipulations, and then of
course they can be sold to any one else_those that may be rejected.
The section offered by Mr. Evans, of Utah, was adopted.
Mr. MALONEY. Now, Mr. Chairman, I wish to add the words, as of the date of settlement thereon. There are a great many settlers of this kind in Weber County. They have tried in every way they could to get titles and they could not get them. A great many of those people are in very poor circumstances. Some of them are Swedes, some Danes. They are now ready to pay whatever is the reasonable price of their lands. but to allow the commissioners to value those lands at this time, why, it would be simply to drive them away from their homes, because they cannot pay for them.
Mr. SQUIRES. Do you not understand that under this section the improvements on that
Mr. MALONEY. I understand that, but those lands will now be valued at something like two or
three hundred dollars an acre, maybe. Those people cannot pay it. There is no use talking about
it.
Mr. FARR. Mr. Chairman, what Mr. Maloney has stated is strictly correct. I have seen a number
of such instances.
Mr. JOLLEY. I hope, gentlemen of the committee, that this amendment of Mr. Maloney will
prevail. As I stated when I was up before, in one of our little towns in Sanpete County, we have
there a section of school land that comes up into the town, that the people had settled on and had
cultivated, had built upon, before it was ever known where the school land lay. To-day the men
that owned that land, many of them, are dead and gone, and their widows have that land and it is
all that they have got. Now, if the price is put upon that land as it is worth to-day, it being right in
the edge of the town, it will be more than they are able to pay. It will drive them from their
homes, and I think it is just and right that that land should be appraised as it was when they first
settled upon it, and I trust in the interest of those that will be robbed of their homes, you will
consider it and vote for the amendment.
Mr. CREER. Mr. Chairman, I think this is a very important question and should be fairly considered before we pass upon it. It may be true and is true that quite a number of settlers settled upon land, when they did not know that they were school lands at the time; but it is also true that a great many of the citizens of this Territory settled upon school lands that they knew at the time were school lands and they have probably for the last ten or fifteen years had the benefit of those lands without paying any taxes upon them, simply by paying taxes upon the improvements, and thereby the balance of the people have been handicapped by them going and settling upon those school lands. I know there are a number of townships around_in Utah County there is one at least, and in fact part of another one that I am aware of, that they knew perfectly well they were school lands at the time they were settled upon, and, therefore, they have received the benefits all those years of being exempted from taxation, and now to say that they should simply pay the price they were valued at at the time of settlement, I think would be wrong, and furthermore, I think that by this action of the committee, it would deprive the school funds of many thousands of dollars should we dispose of this section in this manner. I do not believe it is the correct principle. I do not think it is right. I think that the interests of the school population of the Territory should be considered as well as those of {1609} the settler. It must occur to everyone that the lands of this Territory settled upon have been surveyed for many years. I have no way of
computing it. I do not know whether the gentlemen on this floor have any way of computing that,
but I believe there are far more of the school lands settled upon that the settlers knew at the time
they were school sections. This would also affect four sections of the township as I understand it,
and I think it is a very important matter, and I am opposed to the amendment of the gentleman
from Weber, Mr. Maloney.
Mr. ALLEN. Mr. Chairman, it appears to me that we ought not to vote on this in a hurry. The
amendment as proposed will work a great injury to our school fund. These men, although they
have been living on this land and improving it, while, as has been stated here, it would work an
injury to them in one respect, yet, they have not had to pay taxes on this. They have been getting
the benefit of it for years and years, and have never paid a dollar's price, and to place the price of
this back as it was twenty and thirty years ago, I do not think it would be right. Further than that,
I know of some men who are holding considerable school land to-day, just on purpose to get a
chance to buy it when it comes into market, and get it cheap. I know of some holding lands in
this way, and it will work an injury to the school fund and put considerable money in the pockets
of some men who are now wealthy. Therefore, I think this should be left to the Legislature.
Mr. ANDERSON. Mr. Chairman, I think that the settler is sufficiently protected by the section as
it now stands. They are given priority of right and the improvements that they have made are not
considered. According to United States law, if a settler settled on land before it was surveyed,
that land was not set apart as school land.
Mr. IVINS. Will the gentleman allow me to say just a word? I know of many instances where
people settled upon land before it was surveyed, and occupied it for fifteen years before the
government survey ever was made, and when the survey was made of alternate sections, and they
were set apart as school sections, and it is school land to-day, and those people have been
occupying it for twenty-five or thirty years, ten or twelve years of which was before it was ever
surveyed by the government at all.
Mr. ANDERSON. That may be, but there is a United States law, as I say, providing that if
settlers settle on land before it was surveyed, that other lands will have to be selected in lieu
thereof. But I think that in order to protect the school fund, we should adopt this section as it now
stands. The settler is protected. He is given a priority of right; he has the first chance to bid, and
the improvements that he has made upon it are not taken into consideration.
Mr. MALONEY. You say that they are given the right to purchase. Suppose the land is valued at
three or four hundred dollars an acre and he is an actual settler_
Mr. ANDERSON. Well, if it is worth that much I suppose he could get the money from almost
any bank to pay for it.
Mr. MALONEY. Well, they would have to mortgage their homes. Some of them have no more
than half an acre.
Mr. CREER. Is it not a fact that if a party should go and settle upon school lands before the
government survey, he has the same privilege as any other settler of entering those lands_sections
16 and 36.
Mr. MALONEY. Suppose he tried to get a title and failed_he could not do it.
Mr. CREER. I understand the law to be that the original locator can do so.
Mr. THURMAN. Mr. Chairman, I
{1610}
favor the spirit of this amendment, but it is not exactly
what I think it ought to be. I think a man who in good faith settled upon school lands before they
were surveyed ought to have the privilege of buying those lands at the government price with
reasonable interest added, because he would have gladly paid his money and bought the lands,
but could not do it. But he has had the use of it. Let him pay a reasonable rate of interest_six to
eight per cent. Those who settled on school lands, knowing they were school lands, took their
chance on whatever regulations the State might make. Let them be governed by the provision as
it stands here without the proposed amendment. Now, gentlemen, I think that ought to. be the
form of the amendment, and it could be made with a little time, and that kind of an amendment I
would like to support; but I can see that this provision as it stands without the amendment will
work a great hardship upon men, who in good faith went upon the public domain and established
their homes. They may have lands which to-day, without any improvements on them at all, are
worth forty or fifty dollars an acre, and to compel them to pay that is practically to compel them
to abandon their homes; I do not believe it is right.
Mr. SQUIRES. Mr. Chairman, I was about to vote for this amendment, for fear, if we did not do
it, the early settler might have some hardship, and if there was the least doubt about it, I wanted
to give him the benefit of the doubt; but after what Mr. Thurman has said, I believe that some
other form of amendment should go in there. But why take up our time now over that matter?
Why not pass this section as it is, and give us time between this and the final reading to prepare
such amendment as we need?
Mr. FARR. Mr. Chairman, the gentlemen have spoken about men having the land and that they
have paid no taxes at all. Now, in our section of the country where we have got the land, they
paid the same tax there on these school sections as others have. Consequently they have been to
the same expense on the land, and I trust this motion of Mr. Maloney's will pass. Any person
who has gone and taken up school lands, knowing they were school lands, ought to pay the full
value, but those who settled and put up their homes before they knew what those lands were,
whereas others put them up on government lands, and they have got their lands, and these poor
people on the school lands have been trying to pay for it all this time_I am willing to have it that
they pay a reasonable interest, because they have had the use of the money, but no more. I do not
think we should tax them any more than a reasonable interest. I think we might just as well
postpone this until the amendment can be properly drawn.
Mr. BOWDLE. Mr. Chairman, I am not, myself, this afternoon, prepared to vote upon this question, and I know this same thing will come up on third reading and I consider that what we do now will simply be time lost unless we so largely be of one mind that it would practically settle it, both here and in the Convention, and I am in favor of passing this section. I do not care
what you put in this afternoon, because I know the same thing will come up again.
Mr. MALONEY. Mr. Chairman, I will withdraw it with the consent of my second and bring it up
on third reading. The settlers are undoubtedly willing to pay some interest, whatever is
reasonable.
Secton 4 was read.
Mr. KIESEL. Mr. Chairman, I have an additional section to offer:
In the investment of proceeds derived from the sale of public lands, preference shall be given to the securities of the State of Utah.
I apprehend, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, {1611 - SALARIES} that when lands are disposed of, when the time comes, there will be money in the treasury, there will be a great rush made for that money. and there is a chance that the money may be loaned out and given to parties where the interest is very hard to collect. I do not think that a better investment can be made than that of the securities of the State, because it will at once enhance those securities, and in a short time after the sale of the lands and we have the money, we will be the owners of our own debt_the State of Utah. I think you must not lose sight of this, and I think the Legislature should be compelled to make that a law. I had my attention called to this by the governor of Idaho. They have loaned out the money to Tom, Dick, and Harry_to farmers, and they are having the greatest difficulty to collect the interest on the investments, and in a talk that I had with Governor McConnell, he strongly recommended to embody that in the Constitution as the result of their observation.
The section proposed by Mr. Kiesel was adopted.
Mr. CANNON. Mr. Chairman, I move that when the committee arise, we report this article to the
Convention, with the recommendation that it be placed upon the calendar for third reading.
The motion was agreed to.
The committee then proceeded to the consideration of the article entitled salaries of public
officers.
Section 1 was read.
Mr. ALLEN. Mr. Chairman, I move to toamend section 1 by inserting the word assessors between the words excepting and notaries, in line 2. I cannot call to mind where the assessor would receive any fees. Of course the collector would, and if the assessor is paid a salary, it is not one man out of a dozen that would get anywhere near a fair assessment on property. Now, there are two things to be considered in making an assessment. If he is paid a per cent he would get it just as high as he can and keep the taxpayers good natured, and he has got something to induce him to get that as high as possible, and it is not one time out of a dozen that I know of in the
Territory that they get it too high, either, and they do not get it too high as a rule, because they
want the good will of the people for re-election. Therefore, I believe a man who is working on a
salary, would not be particular. He knows he will get his pay anyhow. He would not be particular
about getting that property assessed as high as he would if he was receiving a per cent.
Mr. MALONEY. Mr. Chairman, for the very reason the gentleman gives, I oppose the
amendment. I will say to the gentleman that there are five hundred to a thousand people in Ogden
and Weber County that will be glad to sell their lands for a less sum than the assessors place
them at.
The amendment was rejected.
Mr. CANNON. I desire to ask some of the legal gentlemen present whether or not it would not
be better to have that included among the list of officers which are to be paid by fee, the sheriff?
Is not his office of such a nature that you have to pay him, and cannot definitely arrange to pay
him a salary? You do not know how many criminals he is going to have to look after, and he
does not know what processes he will have to serve. I would like to ask some of our legal
brethren that.
Mr. EVANS (Utah). Mr. Chairman, I will say that our experience has been in the county which I
have the honor to represent, that it was better to pay a salary than it was under the fee system, and
we inaugurated that plan, while we were almost overstepping the bounds of the law in order to do
it. Now, in all these offices it provides for expenses, and his time would be covered by salary,
and the necessary traveling
{1612}
expense, and whatever he would have to actually pay out.
Mr. THURMAN. Mr. Chairman, after the word State, I move to insert the word district, in
line 1. There might be district officers. We already have provided for judges to be elected by the
district, and they may be called district officers, although they are paid by the State.
The amendment was agreed to.
Section 2 was read.
Mr. CANNON. Mr. Chairman, in accordance with the amendment, made by the gentleman from
Utah, I move to insert in line 7, after the word State, the word district.
The amendment was agreed to.
Mr. EICHNOR. Mr. Chairman, I move to amend section 2, by striking out all after word
treasury, in line 10. The words stricken out_that is the exact purpose for which he gives the
bond.
Mr. VARIAN. Mr. Chairman, I fear that for the reason that it puts upon the officer who is to receive the money a penalty, because of the failure of the man who is to pay it I do not think that is the proper thing. That ought to be left to the laws. I am an officer, compelled to do these
things, and pay the fees I collect over to the State officer. If I do not do it, for that officer to be
held responsible on his bond for it, it seems to me is hardly the thing. Now, by striking that out,
you refer it all to the Legislature.
Mr. ROBERTS. Mr. Chairman, it occurs to me that the thing of which the gentleman complains
is the very thing we want. If we are going to have any virtue in this fee system at all, in the
change that is proposed, of paying fees into the treasury, you have got to provide for their
collection, and you must provide for that collection through the officers that collect, and I believe
that these officers ought to be bound to collect those fees and be held responsible for them to the
extent as provided for in this section, and for that reason I shall vote to retain it just as it is. It
seems to me that if we do not make some arrangement such as this for the collection of those
fees, we are going to fail in every part, getting the fees at all. Make the man responsible who
collects them.
Mr. VARIAN. I think probably that interpretation is right, so far as I am concerned.
The amendment was rejected.
Mr. MALONEY. May I ask what officers district has reference to, which was inserted there?
Mr. THURMAN. I did not have any particular officer in mind. We may have district officers. I
said we had provided for judges to be elected in their districts. There might arise a question as to
whether they are district officers or State officers. They are paid by the State, but they are elected
by the district. I think they are district officers.
Mr. MALONEY. Ought we not to say judicial, then?
Mr. THURMAN. Not necessarily; district will cover it all, whether it is judicial district, or land
commissioner district, or whatever is the district created by the Legislature in the future.
Mr. MALONEY. It seems to me it is left open for conclusion. I would like to have it more
definite.
Mr. VARIAN. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike out the words, justices of the peace, in line 5,
and insert and justices of the peace, except in cities, as may be otherwise provided by law, to
make it conform to the proviso of the first section.
Mr. FARR. Mr. Chairman, I arise to ask a question for information. In the third line of the first
section, what is meant by court commissioners? We have a county court that we call county
commissioners_three selectmen, and what court commissioners has this reference to?
The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Varian, may I
{1613}
call your attention to the fact that the justices of the
peace, in lines 4 and 5, is limited by the fact that they are such justices as are paid by fees?
Mr. VARIAN. Yes. I will send it up in a minute. This matter can be arranged by simply
transposing, and constables, before the word paid.
The amendment was agreed to.
Mr. THATCHER. Mr. Chairman, I move that the word other, on the seventh line, be stricken
out. My idea is that all the fees should be paid into the treasury and then their salaries under fees
be paid back to them again. That will give the State an opportunity of knowing what their
receipts and disbursements are and what surplus there may be. If you leave it without striking that
out, the fees may amount to a large sum, and the State has no means of ascertaining that fact.
Mr. CHIDESTER. Mr. Chairman, as I understand it, if we should strike that word out, then the
officers that we provided will be paid a salary would have to pay the fees into the treasury and
then receive back a salary?
Mr. THATCHER. That is right.
Mr. PETERS. Mr. Chairman, I hardly understand that amendment. I think the word other here
refers to the officers who receive their compensation in fees; for instance, boards of arbitration
and court commissioners.
Mr. CHIDESTER. Mr. Chairman, I cannot see any good reason for compelling the notary public
to go and take every fifty cents that he receives for acknowledging a paper to the treasury, and
taking a receipt for it, and then at the end of the year going and asking the treasurer for that
money back again and giving a receipt, which he would have to do. It seems to me that it would
create a great deal of trouble and annoyance by compelling them to do that.
Mr. MALONEY. Mr. Chairman, I agree with what Mr. Chidester said. It strikes me that the
Legislature might take care of that. There are scores of notaries public that do not make two.
dollars and a half in five months. It strikes me it ought to be left to the Legislature to regulate
such matters.
Mr. THATCHER. What business man would expect success upon the proposition that he kept
account of a part of his business and not the other part. It is true the fees may be small, but the
State should understand what they are. In instances in the past I have known fees to be very large.
If the State has no means of ascertaining, why, then, they are not posted on that proposition. I
hold that every well conducted business, and the State government itself, should carefully keep
an account of every cent of receipts and disbursements. For that reason I make that motion. It is
no trouble to pay in, and the salary being fixed by the fees, it is no trouble to pay out.
Mr. CHIDESTER. Would this not necessarily compel a notary public to demand cash for
everything that he did?
Mr. THATCHER. Not necessarily.
Mr. CHIDESTER. It is for the benefit of the poor man that this should not pass, because they can
make arrangements to have their deeds acknowledged without paying the cash, but if this passes
then the cash must be paid so that it can go into the treasury.
Mr. BOYER. Mr. Chairman, as I understand the word other being qualified to the officers that
are to be paid by salaries, I would move as an amendment to the amendment, instead of striking
out the word other, that you put there the word salary, and that will apply strictly to the
salaried officers that shall make this return and account as required by the gentleman fro in
Cache.
The amendment of Mr. Boyer was agreed to.
Mr. THATCHER. Mr. Chairman, as I understand it, it reads now exactly the way it was before.
The proposition I made was that every officer in
{1614 - PUBLIC BUILDINGS}
the State should
account for every cent of public funds he handled.
Mr. RICKS. Mr. Chairman, move, when the committee arise, it report this article to the
Convention, and recommend it be put on its third reading.
The motion was agreed to.
The committee then proceeded to the consideration of the article entitled public buildings and
state institutions.
Sections 1, 2, and 3 were read.
Mr. ANDERSON. Mr. Chairman, I move that section 3 be stricken out to the words Salt Lake
City, in line 18, and that these words be inserted before Salt Lake City, the seat of government
shall be located at Salt Lake City, Utah.
Mr. VARIAN. Mr. Chairman, I offer as a substitute for section 3, the following: Me capital
shall be located at Salt Lake City.
Mr. CREER. Mr. Chairman, I am opposed to either the amendment or substitute. I think, gentlemen of the committee, that it is proper and right that this question should be submitted to the people_to the voters of the Territory. Notwithstanding it may be the opinion of the majority of the members of this committee that that would be the final result of this section, if it should be carried, that the seat of government would be located at Salt Lake City. You are aware that in quite a large number of the states of the Union, probably more than one-half, the capitol is not located in the metropolis. Now, we know that Salt Lake City already has one or more_it has a university, and I believe that this article further on provides that the State penitentiary or prison should be located in Salt Lake City, and also the State fair. It seems to me, gentlemen of the committee, that this is a question that is worthy of your consideration, whether it be just and right to have the capital located here at the metropolis: and there is another consideration, which perhaps may be of greater importance than all. If we should at this time locate and that is, that following up the history of our past Legislatures, just as soon as the question is decided and
settled, why they at once begin to make appropriations for the necessary buildings to follow the
location.
Now, I think, Mr. Chairman, it will appear to everyone that the new State will not be in a
condition to at once proceed and make appropriations for a capitol building, and I am thoroughly
satisfied in my own mind from the experience of the past that if this should be done, that that will
no doubt be the action of the next Legislature, to involve the new State in debt, and
think_in fact I am satisfied in my own mind that it is far better that we should take a respite upon
the matter of borrowing money, and this will of necessity compel that respite. That is, a pause, or
a time to consider well what the new State would require in this respect. Furthermore, there are
ample opportunities, and will be, to facilitate every requirement that the State will need until that
time. Many have expressed themselves to me that they would prefer to have this postponed until
some ten years, and others five years, after the initiation of the new State, but it certainly appears
to me, and I believe it would be nothing but just and right, that there should be some limit, some
time that we should settle this matter of the State capital. In California and also in Nevada, and in
many of the older states and also recent states, they have not established their seat of government
at the metropolis. Therefore, I think it would be nothing but proper and right that other cities
should have an opportunity of entering into competition for the seat of government. I am satisfied
that it will give a greater prestige to our new Constitution. Many no doubt would be more willing
to vote for the adoption of a Constitution of this kind with a proviso, than they would if it
{1615}
established it at once in Salt Lake City, and I think it is nothing but fair, it is nothing but right,
that the people should have an opportunity of voting upon this matter. Provide that a vote may be
had hereafter for a change. If that is so, it seems to me it ought to be left to the vote of the people.
This is the most important location of any institution that has been presented for our
consideration.
Mr. ANDERSON. Mr. Chairman, I will withdaw my amendment, as the substitute of Mr. Varian
is the same thing. I think the capital should be located at Salt Lake. It will save a great deal of
expense. I think it is the proper place and it will save a great deal of agitation and intense feeling
that will come hereafter.
Mr. HEYBOURNE. Mr. Chairman, I shall certainly support the gentleman's amendment from
Salt Lake. I am opposed in my feelings to agitating the minds of the legal voters of this Territory
in respect to the location of the seat of government. I believe that, of right, it belongs to this city.
This is centrally located, so far as the new State is concerned, and I am of the opinion that it is
nothing but right and proper that this body should determine this matter at the present and
thereby settle this controversy. Therefore, I shall sustain the gentleman's amendment from Salt
Lake.
Mr. THURMAN. Mr. Chairman, I am not prepared to say that I will oppose this amendment, but
I am going to ask this Convention to do something in reference to this matter, which probably
they will not be willing to do, but which I think they ought to do. We have work enough to keep
us this afternoon, if we do not enter into a discussion of this question.
There will be a discussion of it if it is settled this afternoon. Now, I suggest that we postpone the
consideration of this section until Monday and get through with our work about which there will
not be much difference of opinion, perhaps. We will probably have to be waiting here for the
commit tee on revision to present us with some work, and while we are waiting we can settle this
question. I think myself it ought to he determined by this Convention, but I ask the Convention to
do that. I am not prepared to say just now that I will oppose this amendment.
Mr. ANDERSON. Could not this be considered when it came up on the third reading?
Mr. THURMAN. Well, of course that puts parties who might want to oppose it at a disadvantage.
Of course it could be considered on third reading, but when we get through with a matter in
committee of the whole, we generally think that a matter is about settled.
Mr. EVANS (Weber). Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment, if it is in order, which, although it
may be somewhat imperfect, I would like to submit:
The location of the seat of government shall be at Salt Lake City; provided, that there shall not be an appropriation of any money for the construction of a capitol building for a period of ten years; and, provided further, that the city and county of Salt Lake shall furnish convenient rooms and accommodations for State officers and State purposes during such period.
Mr. Chairman, I believe like some other gentlemen who have been talking, that we ought to settle the question of the seat of government in this Convention, and I think it ought to be settled in Salt Lake City once for all, but I do believe, in view of the present condition of the treasury, that there ought not to be any money appropriated or expended for the construction of the capitol building for a period of about ten years. Whether that length of time is the proper time or not, I will not assume just now to say, but it does seem to me, and I believe, too, that the city and county would agree to it, as they {1616} have a most magnificent building here in which we meet, to permit rooms, and accommodations for State officers and for State purposes for the period of ten years. Then, in the meantime, the State may be in that condition financially that it may be able to construct a handsome building, but I would fix it definitely in the Constitution that the capital is to remain at Salt Lake City and stop this continual agitation which we have had ever since the capital was fixed here. I believe the proposition to be eminently fair and just. I believe it will not injure the people of Salt Lake, and I know that it will benefit the general taxpaying element of the new State. This matter I have had in mind some little time, but just drew the amendment upon the impulse, as I came in late. I only submit it now that it may be properly considered and taken up upon its third reading and definitely settled.
Mr. FARR. Ten years is a pretty long time. I would ask you to accept of an amendment and
instead of ten make it five years, in this motion.
Mr. EVANS (Weber). No.
Mr. CREER. That can be amended upon third reading.
Mr. SQUIRES. I would like to call the attention of the gentleman from Weber to one portion of that substitute. It would be absolutely impossible for us to forecast what all the future councils of
this city might be willing to do in the way of furnishing room for the accommodation of the
legislative bodies when they are called upon to meet here. I don't believe that the delegates upon
this floor representing Salt Lake City are in any position to make any guaranty. I am quite sure
they are not, and if on any one occasion there should be a failure on the part of a city council or a
county court to furnish these rooms for the Legislature, why, then, the capital is not located,
although it is put in the Constitution. It seems to me an unusual constitutional provision.
Mr. EVANS (Weber). I was just going to remind you that it does not require any guaranty from
the city or the county but it fixes it here definitely, if they do those things, that is all. It seems to
me like a reasonable proposition.
Mr. JAMES. I want to call the Convention's attention to the fact that the city council has already
donated a site for the capitol, and that they have gone to a good deal of expense in the way of
improving it, putting out trees, reservoirs, etc., and there may have to be some provision for
taking care of that site, and providing for keeping it in order, even though there may be no
building.
Mr. IVINS. Mr. President, I do not like the substitute offered by the gentleman from Weber, for
more reasons than one. There is nothing definite in it. He locates the capital here, provided Salt
Lake City and county will do certain things. Like the titles to this land we have in different parts
of this Territory, it is all conditioned. I am in favor of definitely settling this question now and
here. Neither do I like that provision of the substitute which says there shall be no money
appropriated for ten years. I am willing to leave that to the Legislature. I do not think they will
appropriate any money unless it is proper.
Mr. VARIAN. Mr. President, in my judgment, this Convention wants to appoint definitely the place of business for the State. That is what the capital is. It does not necessarily follow that it is to be forever located there. It can and will be, if the necessities of the people require it, changed. As your Constitution now stands, amendments may be submitted by the Legislature and determined, as I recollect it, by a majority vote of the people. You do not want to go forth to the United States with an ambulatory proposition, concerning your seat of government It ought to be definite {1617} and fixed, because by fixing it definitely, you indicate that you are a people who know your own mind. Think of the uncertainty and indefiniteness included within the proposition to locate the capital, provided some municipality of the State shall do something, and make it also contingent upon the fact that no money shall be appropriated to provide for your necessities. Can you not safely leave that to the Legislature? Do you believe that a Legislature can be elected here which will not conform to the wishes of the people in that particular? You have placed proper restrictions and limitations upon the power of the State in the matter of incurring indebtedness, more particularly and specially to public buildings. I do not doubt for a moment, but that it will be some years before the proposition to erect a capitol building here will be considered. I don't think it ought to be considered for the present. I judge other people by myself in looking at those questions. I do not think the people would want it. I do not think it would be a good business proposition. I believe with my friend from Weber, that accommodations can be provided for the State officers at present here, but that is aside from the question. We ought to at least know our own minds now, not to permit this matter to go into an instrument like the
Constitution as an uncertain and indefinite proposition, indicating that it will be and may be
brought up from time to time. The capital ought to be fixed permanently as long as it is fixed,
and when a necessity for the change shall come, then it should be removed and doubtless will be.
There is a distinction between the fixing of other public institutions and the fixing of the capital.
The capital is the seat of business of the government. It ought to be fixed_I mean fixed in the
sense of permanently for the time, until it shall be changed as provided by that instrument. All
those other matters, as I took occasion to remark the other day upon this floor, in my judgment,
are within and ought to be within the discretion and power of the Legislature, acting for the
people and meeting the varying and shifting wants and necessities of the people. I hope this
amendment of my friend will not prevail. It seems to me a hindrance rather than a help.
Mr. THURMAN. Mr. Chairman, I will move to strike out the latter part of the substitute. I do not
believe it is right. I do think, gentlemen, it is the part of wisdom that we fix the capital to-day,
and that we say that no appropriation of public money shall be made for a definite and fixed
period of time. My reasons for that I will state. We cannot exactly foresee now just what the
expenses of the State government are going to be. We cannot predict with any degree of certainty
how much the taxes upon the people will have to be increased to carry on the State government.
Times are hard. We are still in the midst of a crisis. Those times may continue a few years, and to
all appearances they will. If we leave this without any limitation upon the Legislature respecting
when this money may be appropriated, we will find that in the very first Legislature that meets,
there will be a strong pull made upon the members to provide a fund for the building of a capitol
at once, and there will be only one way by which it can be done. We are limited now in our
indebtedness. Nobody wants a capitol built that can be erected for two hundred thousand
dollars_the limit of our borrowing power, and the only way to do it will be by increasing the rate
per cent. of taxation upon the people, and every effort will be made to induce members of the
Legislature to at once increase the taxes upon the people, and provide a fund and commence the
erection of that building. Now, I say, let us have time to tide over the first stage or
{1618}
stages
of statehood. Let us get ourselves upon a good solid footing, pay off some of the bonded
indebtedness of the Territory, and stop paying interest, which is not a good business proposition,
even for a state, and in the meantime, there is no doubt in my mind but what the State can
arrange with Salt Lake City and Salt Lake County, for the use of the very building that we are
now occupying, or a portion of it, for State purposes, by paying them a reasonably fair
compensation for it. Authorize the State to do that, or the State could do it, I presume without
any authority.
Mr. VARIAN. Let me ask the gentleman, does he remember the limit of taxation, in the article
we have already passed_four mills?
Mr. THURMAN. Eight mills, I think. Now, we all know the influences that are brought to bear_I am not speaking now of bribery, but men buttonhole their fellow members of the Legislature and say, Do this. We want the capitol building, it will boom the country and it will increase the value of real estate, and we want it over here. I will give a piece of ground if you will just put up the building. And it will result in raising the taxes of the people generally before we can well afford to have them raised. That is my proposition, and if we do locate the thecapital today, at least let us retain that provision that provides that the appropriation shall not be made for a period
of ten years. Cannot we get along? Here is a building, it is true, that does not belong to the State,
but it belongs to Salt Lake City and county, and it is large enough to accommodate them and the
State, and, gentlemen, it is a building that will be good for Utah Territory as a capitol for fifty
years to come, just as it stands, and we can better afford to pay a reasonable rental for this
building for State purposes than we can afford to raise the taxes of the people at the present time
and go on paying interest on the money that we at present owe. For that reason I am in favor of it.
Mr. MALONEY. Mr. Chairman, I am personally in favor of Salt Lake City becoming the capital
of this great intermountain State that we are now building, but I like the amendment_I like
something like it. Under the present circumstances of this Territory, there ought to be some limit
with regard to taxation for public buildings. I agree with my friend, Thurman, that this is a
magnificent structure, It will do the people of the Territory for a great many years. I don't want to
see anything submitted to the people at the coming election of 1895, to give the voters an
opportunity to trade one way or the other on the rejection or the adoption of the Constitution. I
want the capital located by this Constitutional Convention. I want it located in Salt Lake City.
The only improvement on this would be to strike out Salt Lake City, and insert Ogden, Weber
County.
Mr. RICHARDS. Mr. Chairman, I believe there is an overwhelming sentiment in this committee
in favor of the definite location of the capital at this place, so I shall not have much to say on that
point. Now, as to the proposed proviso. I am opposed to that, not because I differ in my views
with my friend from Utah County as to what the policy of the State should be, or with my friend
from Weber County. I believe, myself, that it would be very unfortunate for the State, in the
immediate future, perhaps within the limit that this Convention might agree upon, if we were
going to put a limit in the Constitution of several years, to appropriate public money or incur
public indebtedness for the purpose of the erection of a State building. But can we not safely
leave that to the Legislature? That is the question, gentlemen. It seems to me that we can. We
ought not to encumber this Constitution with
{1619}
every sort of an admonition and guide-
board. We must assume that the Legislature will have the same consideration for the condition of
the people that we have. They will understand the situation just as well as we understand it, and
when it is said by my friend from Utah that strong influence will be brought to bear upon these
people to appropriate money for this purpose, I will remind him of the fact that under the
apportionment that has been made, Salt Lake County will only have about one-fourth of the
Legislature. Certainly if Salt Lake County cannot be relied upon, assuming that they will all go
crazy and wild and that we will lose all our patriotism, and that we would be willing to wreck
this State_although I think that is a very hazardous presumption_but assuming all that to be so,
certainly the other three-fourths of the representatives of the State might safely be relied upon to
do that which is right under the circumstances. And so I say that we ought to vote upon this
proposition straight, and we ought to vote upon it without any proviso or condition; and in that
connection, I will ask my friend from Weber, who proposed this amendment, with the proviso,
where would be the capital, if that were incorporated in the Constitution_assuming that we take
the section, just as my friend from Weber gives it to us, and put it in the Constitution, and then a
Legislature were to make an appropriation for a public building, where would the capital be?
Mr. BOYER. San Juan.
Mr. EVANS (Weber). It would be at Salt Lake City, because the laws of the Territory have fixed it here, and there is nothing repealing it.
Mr. RICHARDS. What is the purpose of this proviso?
Mr. EVANS (Weber). Fixing it definitely in the Constitution, so that the Legislature cannot
constantly change it.
Mr. RICHARDS. You say that the capital shall remain at Salt Lake City, provided no money
shall be appropriated for the capitol for ten years. Now, the proviso is a condition or qualification
of the location. Now, when the appropriation is made, what becomes of the capital? There is but
one answer. It either means that the capital would be moved, because of this appropriation_and if
it was moved, to where would it go, to San Juan, or to Washington, or to Cache?
Mr. THOMPSON. Millard County.
Mr. RICHARDS. It means that the putting of this proviso in the Constitution would not mean
anything. It means one thing or the other. Either the capital would move and go somewhere, or
else the placing of this proviso in the Constitution does not mean anything. I say we do not want
it there. It ought not to be there, and there is no necessity for it.
Mr. EVANS (Weber). Mr. Chairman, I can see the spirit that moves the gentleman from Salt
Lake City. It is simply a spirit of criticism. It is a spirit favoring the location of the capital at Salt
Lake City, without making any concessions whatever. He knows well enough that that matter can
be very easily arranged for. If the proviso does not satisfy him on account Of the word provided,
why not strike it out, and as my colleague suggested to me, write in the word but.
Mr. RICHARDS. I would ask you what would then be the effect?
Mr. EVANS (Weber). It would be simply a limitation upon the Legislature to appropriate that
money?
Mr. RICHARDS. It is a very different thing from a proviso, is not it?
Mr. E VANS (Weber). It is very easily arranged for. The gentleman is simply standing here for the purpose of securing something for Salt Lake City, without making any concessions at all to the people. Of course we could not expect anything else. The matter of taxation for the building of a capitol is {1620} considerable of an item. The gentleman says that the Legislature can be safely entrusted with this matter, and no money will be appropriated under our present financial condition. I was in the Legislature in 1892, and the bill came near passing appropriating two hundred and fifty thousand dollars for the building of the capitol. I remember I was once in the Legislature of 1894_the last one. Our conditions were no better then financially than they are to- day. The Legislature was dealing then with the important question of finance, distributing the money as best they could to make ends meet and to keep down taxation. Right in that condition of things there was a strong organized movement to appropriate either one hundred and fifty or
two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, I forget now_-
Mr. VARIAN. I will remind the gentleman, it was a movement to borrow money.
Mr. EVANS. I understand all about it; it was either one hundred and fifty or two hundred and
fifty thousand dollars to be appropriated for the purpose of building a capitol or one wing of it.
At that time, my brother Varian voted against the bonding of the Territory for any more money,
but did vote in favor of the appropriation for the building of this wing.
Mr. VARIAN. I beg your pardon; I did not.
Mr. EVANS (Weber). You were in favor of the appropriation. The records show it. I am sorry
my friend Varian disputes this question. I know he was in favor of building a wing of the capitol.
Mr. VARIAN. I say now emphatically, I was not in favor of it at any time during the Legislature,
and talked against it.
Mr. EVANS (Weber). Well, then, I would not state it. Anyway, there was a strong organized
movement for the appropriation of that money, and the honorable Judge Powers, I believe, was
the gentleman who fathered the whole movement, and you all know that there were large bodies
of men in the capitol building to applaud the speaker, whenever he spoke of building the capitol,
because it would furnish labor. I will tell you, gentlemen, influence brought to bear upon
legislators in matters of this kind, while it is not intended to be unlawful or improper, yet, they
are sometimes wonderful, in order to get them to cast their votes to appropriate money to put up
buildings and furnish labor. And we will find that very condition of things in this section if it
stands as proposed. Locate the capital at Salt Lake City, without any conditions, and the very
next Legislature will be importuned to appropriate money whether they have it or not. They may
not succeed. If they do not succeed, then the next Legislature will be applied to, and finally the
pressure will be brought to bear until an appropriation will be made when the people can
illyafford to stand it.
Mr. MALONEY. Under the limitations in this Constitution, they never can build their
magnificent capitol until they have the money on hand.
Mr. EVANS (Weber). I want to say with respect to that proviso, advocated by Mr. Thurman, that is certainly proper, to say that the State shall not appropriate any money for this purpose. I think the other proviso is all right. I think there is nothing at all degrading about it. Nothing out of taste, to put it in the Constitution_that proviso, that the city and county here shall furnish room for State offices and State purposes. I know they would be glad to do it. It seems to me they would. They would be glad to do it if they thought an organized movement was going to be made to take the capital away from Salt Lake City; but as the gentleman has stated, he seems to think that the majority of the committee here are in favor of locating it {1621} in Salt Lake anyway. He takes that as the mind of the gentlemen here, and now, having reached that point, he says, Now, just give us the capital, without any condition at all, and let the future Legislatures take care of this matter. If some such concessions as this be not made, I do not believe this committee ought
to locate this capital at Salt Lake City in this Constitution, because we cannot afford just now to
appropriate our money and build an unnecessary building, under the present circumstances
anyway. Ample room and accommodations can be afforded in this building, and, as has been
stated, this building would be a credit to almost any state in the Union for a capitol building. Let
the people know right here and now that they are not going to be taxed for ten years for the
construction of a capitol building, and it will put their minds to rest upon one very important
question, and that question is the appropriation of a large amount of money for the construction
of the building. Gentlemen, let us demand this concession. We should have it. It is in the interest
of the people and it does no cue any harm at all.
Mr. HAMMOND. Mr. Chairman, I had hoped they would get through with this, and finish up
this circus without my taking the floor any more, but I can see plainly this question cannot be
settled unless I take a hand in it. Now, sir, I am in favor of this proposition from my republican
friend_I do not often stand by the republicans_that is Mr. Varian, to locate the capital here in Salt
Lake City, and I am in favor of Judge Evans of Ogden, that there should be some conditions,
perhaps, or concessions made, but I would not be particular about that. I am satisfied the
Legislature will be democratic, and when our mines are fully developed in San Juan, there will be
no trouble about money. We can go on and build. As to this building, I can tell you, sir, that in
1840 when I saw the national capitol at Washington, it was not as fine a building I believe as this
is to-day. I think the dome on top was not larger than a two bushel corn-basket_old Yankee
basket, and I believe we can safely trust the Legislature for fixing this matter in a way that will be
satisfactory to the entire people. Now, as to the outside counties, there is a feeling existing to my
knowledge in every county from Idaho on the north to San Juan on the south, that Salt Lake is
our home. Nearly every one of use went out from here, that is forty or fifty years old. It was the
grand beehive, and a few of us had swarmed out temporarily, but we looked upon Salt Lake as
our home. Now, these are my feelings, gentlemen, in this regard. Locate it now and fix it
permanently at Salt Lake, and we will not regret it.
Mr. ROBERTS. Mr. Chairman, I am not altogether satisfied with either of these amendments. I am willing to go this far with the gentleman from Weber, who has moved that the capital be located at Salt Lake City, provided that no appropriation shall be made for the building of a capitol for ten years, and with a second proviso that Salt Lake City and county shall supply the new State with the necessary rooms for offices, etc._I am willing to go this far, to say that the capital shall be located at Salt Lake City, and put that definitely and finally in the Constitution, but that no appropriation shall be made for erecting a State capitol for five years, and leave the second proviso out altogether. That would be the proposition that I would be in favor of voting for. I think there can be no serious objection to that_certainly, as I view it, no reasonable objection to locating the capital at Salt Lake City. That is just where it belongs. I think if gentlemen will take second thought, they will not make the location of the capital conditional upon the city and county of Salt Lake furnishing necessary rooms for State {1622} officers. I do think it the part of wisdom, however, to give notice to the people of this Territory that there shall be security against an agitation for any increased taxation for five years, to build a capitol building. Now, sir, that is what I want to vote for, and with a view of making such an amendment as would bring that about, I shall vote for the substitute offered by Mr. Evans, with the hope that we can get it amended to make it what I have in these few remarks indicated.
Mr. EVANS (Weber). Mr. Chairman, with the consent of the house, I would be willing to withdraw the latter proviso, to the effect that the county and city shall furnish rooms.
Mr. GIBBS. Mr. Evans, if your amendment should prevail, after the lapse of ten years, would not
that leave the question open again fora bid for a capital?
Mr. EVANS (Weber). No, that does not, as amended now. The first sentence locates the capital
at Salt Lake City, and it simply says there shall be no appropriation made for the construction of
the capitol building for a period of ten years.
Mr. MORRIS. Mr. Chairman, as chairman of the committee on public buildings, it would be
natural for me to favor Salt Lake City, but I favor Salt Lake on principle as the best location for a
new State capitol. This question of making appropriations came up in our discussion. I do not
think that there is any danger whatever that the new State can make appropriations for the new
State buildings, under the encumbrances that we are now in. It will take a good many years to get
out of our debt_seven hundred and fifty to eight hundred thousand on the Territory, two or three
million on the city, and about four hundred thousand on the county, so I do not think there is any
danger whatever to fear that the Legislature under these circumstances can make any
appropriation for the State buildings. We are perfectly safe in regard to that, and I hope and trust
that Salt Lake City will be like the old strings tied to it, trust to liberality of Salt Lake County.
It is true we are passing through a crisis now, that we have never experienced before, but I do not
believe that it is going to last many years. We might find a change in six or seven years that we
could have plenty. It is possible, and I do not think it is well to state the time, but trust to the
Legislature that will have the interest of the commonwealth at heart.
Mr. ROBERTS. Mr. Chairman, I move to amend the substitute by striking out ten years and
inserting five years.
Mr. VARIAN. Now, I ask, gentlemen, of you, what is the underlying thought that impels gentlemen to suggest the attaching of conditions to the location of your capital? Is not the capital the property of the entire Territory? Do you want to put it upon us here in Salt Lake, and make us feel that it is looked upon by you as a concession, as a matter in which we have a proprietary interest? Do you not, and will you not by your votes, in locating this capital, locate it because of the best interests and necessities of the entire people? Can you justify it to your constituents in any other way or upon any other ground? Can you go home and say, we located it at Salt Lake City, not because that is the place for it, but because, all things considered, we got better terms by locating it there? Now, if you admit that proposition, what sort of a reason have you for attempting to incorporate in your organic law something that would prevent the people, if their necessities demanded it, from having suitable public buildings in which to transact their business? I venture to say that this argument about what has come before the previous Legislatures is absolutely wrong in its application. The governor of this Territory, last year, at {1623} the last Legislature, insisted, that this Territory should be bonded in the sum of two or three hundred thousand dollars, for, among other reasons, building a capitol, and it was Salt Lake people, as well as the outside, that stood up and refused to lend sanction to that undertaking, in
and out of the Legislature, Do you believe that our people here, who are paying no w nearly fifty
per centum of the taxes of this Territory, have not enough of the burdens of taxation upon their
shoulders, that they will be willing to countenance any such scheme as has been indicated here in
argument? I tell you, our people do not care any more about paying taxes than do the people on
the outside, and we have got all that we can stagger under now. If our Territory should be in a
situation to demand it, if the business and prosperity of the country should revive, if the mines
should revive to such an extent that you should have a full and overflowing treasury, as you may
have if anything like occurs in the future that has occurred in the past, there are two or three
mines in this very Territory that would pay all your expenses of your State government and build
a capitol too. Think of the millions of dollars, if they had been taxed during the past twenty years,
that have been taken out of the mines here_twelve, fifteen and eighteen millions, from one single
mine alone; if it had been taxed, where would your Territorial finances have been? I only allude
to show you the necessity of leaving this matter open to the Legislature. You have limited the
debt to a hundred thousand dollars, very properly.
Mr. THURMAN. There is a proposition now for five years. Do you think the capitol can be built
or that any money will be appropriated_any likelihood of it being done in five years?
Mr. VARIAN. I have not considered it from that standpoint. Certainly it ought not to be built now. I say that. I was of that opinion a year ago, and I am still of that opinion. What I am contending against is this thought that seems to be rankling between the different localities of this Territory, which is always cropping out in some such way as this, We will locate the capitol building, but we will tie up the hands of the Legislature from, in the future, for a certain indefinite time, providing for the necessities of the State government. Now, it may well be that in two years or that in four years, or in less time, the necessities of this government may be such that it will be very desirable that you shall have a permanent place for the location of the governmental offices and the transaction of your State business. Certainly it will be desirable, just as soon as it can be completed, because until then you have them scattered about in different localities, the different departments of the government, to the manifest inconvenience of the people, and the manifest injury of the transaction of public business. Why should you fear your Legislature? Certainly, so far as the people of Salt Lake are concerned, you may rest assured that, as in the past they never have been able yet to divert the Legislature into their way of thinking in the matter of taxation, in the future they will not be able to do so. But the security is greater than that. The burdens of taxation are now resting so heavily upon this people that they will look long and anxiously into the future before they will consent_those of them who are called upon to bear these burdens, to any additional burdens. But aside from that, public buildings are not built by taxation primarily. Loans are negotiated, and the burdens of taxation to secure the payment of those loans and the interest thereon are distributed through the years, fifteen, twenty, and twenty- five years, so that the people who come after shall also, having the benefit, be called upon to contribute to their portion of the burdens. I apprehend, if there is {1624} ever a capitol building erected in Utah, it will be in that way. I imagine that it would not be a wise policy, nor would it meet with the approval of business men or the taxpayers anywhere, to levy a tax to raise at once the amount of money necessary to erect a capitol building. I will confess I had not considered it in that light, and I did not think it possible and do not think it possible now. I only say that you are getting entirely too precise, too much in detail, when you undertake to tie up the hands of
your Legislature in a matter of this importance, You can rest assured that the Legislature will not
for years to come undertake to bond this State certainly not without the assured approval of the
people behind it. I trust that you will not lumber up this Constitution with conditions and
provisions of this kind.
Mr. THURMAN. Mr. Chairman, I would not again trespass upon the time of this committee, but
some of the gentlemen from Salt Lake have insinuated that there is an underlying thought_there
is a motive. Now, gentlemen, if any of that has reference to myself, I appeal to any man on this
floor to state when, where, at what time, I have ever raised a question against Salt Lake for the
capital. It is true, some men from Provo in the past have represented Provo as the proper place. It
is a proper place. It is a place that is just as suitable as any in the Territory, but, gentlemen, I have
not set forth any claims for Utah County in this respect. I came here with a view to assist in
making a Constitution for the benefit of the people, without reference to the little spot of ground
where I happen to have my home. And I call your attention to the fact, gentlemen, if you doubt
this, that in a speech on this floor, nearly two months ago, I had something to say incidentally on
this subject. Why is it, when I stand up here and make a motion that I believe to be in the interest
of the people, the taxpayers of the country, and in fairness and in justice, to not only the people
that I represent, but to all the people, that Salt Lake men stand up here and impugn my motives?
That is the question, gentlemen. You have no right to do it. I tell you the proposition advanced is
a fair one, and the people of this Territory, I believe, with all my heart, will regret it in the first
Legislature, and in the second Legislature, and in the third Legislature, if we do not adopt just
such a provision as we here desire to have adopted. You all know that we cannot commence to
build the capitol in five years, and probably not in ten years. Then, why not put the matter at rest?
Why not give the Legislature the first one that will meet in the State, the second one, and the
third one, a rest on this proposition, and where they will be in a position to say, Hands off,
gentlemen, we can do nothing. You know, gentlemen, just as well as you know you sit on this
floor, that there will be lobbies from Salt Lake in the very first Legislature that meets, harassing
the Legislature from day to day, invoking debate and discussion, from day to day, as we have had
here on this floor, in relation to just such questions as this. It is time to prevent that. It is for
peace. It is to settle it once for all, that this thing cannot be done at least for five years, and I say it
ought not to be done for ten years. And I shall vote for that proposition, and, gentlemen I think
that you are unreasonable, when you stand here and insist that there is some underlying motive or
thought in men who are standing here just as much as you are, contending for the public good. I
repudiate any such insinuations. I say that they are unjust, unwarranted, uncalled for, and there is
nothing in my course on this floor that justifies any man in saying that I have a selfish motive in
relation to any of these things.
Mr. RALEIGH. I want to ask the gentleman from Provo a question. What is the reason, or is
there any
{1625}
reason why this question cannot be settled here as a separate proposition
without any conditions, and then make the conditions in another article or proposition_any time
hereafter, before the close of this Convention.
Mr. THURMAN. Well, what is the difference? This is a common provision. Gentlemen say that it is not. I say there are constitutions that have just such a provision as this, keeping the Legislature's hands off for a given time, and no man can say that it is an unreasonable one. Does
it mar our Constitution? Is it an eyesore to anybody? Whom does it hurt? Who is aggrieved? If I
had the disposition to impugn motives as gentlemen have impugned mine, I would say that Salt
Lake men, who are standing upon this floor contending that there should be no limitation, have
something in mind themselves.
Mr. VARIAN. I would like to ask the gentleman a question. Whom does he mean when he talks
about Salt Lake men impugning motives? Does he mean me?
Mr. THURMAN. Yes, sir; I mean the gentleman.
Mr. VARIAN. Well, then, I say you are entirely mistaken. I said nothing to impugn motives. The
gentleman is defending himself before he is attacked.
Mr. THURMAN. I want to know what the gentleman meant when he said there was an
underlying thought? He meant there was something concealed in the motives of the men who
were contending for this proposition.
Mr. ROBERTS. Mr. Chairman, it seems to me that there is a misapprehension in relation to this
amendment, as it now stands. It seems to me in the minds of some who have spoken that we are
locating the capital at Salt Lake with a proviso. Now, sir, I take it, there is no proviso in this
amendment. It locates the capital at Salt Lake most definitely, without any proviso. But there is a
separate proposition accompanying it, and that is merely this, that there shall be no appropriation
made for the building of a capitol building for the next five years.
Mr. JAMES. Isn't this, Mr. Roberts, strictly what is done in Congress and is called a rider to
force you to accept of one proposition or you will have to reject the whole?
Mr. ROBERTS. No, sir. There is no rider about it. It is a separate matter altogether. I hold that
the amendment locates the capital at Salt Lake City, and there is no possibility of putting any
other interpretation upon it. The proviso that makes it conditional has been withdrawn, and now
this locates the capital at Salt Lake City, but it does say that the Legislature shall make no
appropriation for the construction of the capitol building for five years. The gentleman from
Provo argued the necessity of doing something of this kind as an easement upon the Legislature,
that they might not be troubled with lobbyists who would come here for the purpose of getting
appropriations to begin a capitol building, and who would doubtless appear before the first
Legislature, and I think his reasoning was very clear upon that point. But, sir, the way this matter
appeals to me is, not that you may relieve the Legislature from the inconvenience of lobbyists,
but that you give an assurance to the people that they will not be plagued for five years to come,
there, with propositions to bond the State to build a capitol building, or increase the taxation to
accomplish the same purpose, and that is all there is to it.
Mr. THATCHER. Under what authority has the Territory of Utah been put under public debt.
Was it by the act of the Legislature?
Mr. ROBERTS. I think it was.
Mr. THATCHER. If so, then we have reason to place this limitation upon the Legislature?
Mr. ROBERTS. I think so.
{1626}
Mr. THATCHER. A period of five or ten years will do us no harm, but a great deal of good.
Mr. KIMBALL (Salt Lake). Mr. Chairman, I notice in looking back in the bill of elections and
suffrage we have a provision that will assist us in this matter, namely, that referring to a property
qualification of voters. Were it not for this, I would vote for the five years' provision, but I do not
believe that there are any people, in this city especially, or any of our larger cities that are so
terribly in debt, that would be willing for any special tax, or any election proposition, to bond this
city or bond this Territory, to build a State capitol, that they will submit to, because here is a
provision to allow the people to vote on the subject. For this reason I believe that we are safe
trusting to the people. If it is only the Legislature_while I do not doubt their honor, I would be in
favor of this proposition for five years, to make the people safe.
The question being taken on the amendment of Mr. Roberts, the committee divided, and by a
vote of 43 ayes to 7 noes, the amendment was agreed to.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is now on the substitute as amended.
Mr. CHIDESTER. Mr. Chairman, I arise to a point of order. The point of order is that when we
voted on Mr. Roberts' amendment, that settled it.
The CHAIRMAN. The point of order is not well taken.
Mr. IVINS. I appeal from the decision of the chair.
Mr. VARIAN. I arise to a point of order. The gentleman can appeal after this vote is taken, but he
cannot interrupt a vote.
The CHAIRMAN. The chair will state the motion upon which we are voting. An amendment to
the substitute offered by Mr. Varian for section 3 and the amendment as amended now, by the
gentleman from Davis, is as follows:
The location of the seat of government shall be at Salt Lake City, but no appropriation of money for the construction of a capitol building shall be made for a period five years.
The question being taken, the committee divided, and by a vote of 33 ayes to 31 noes, the motion was agreed to.
Section 4 was read.
Mr. BUTTON. Mr. Chairman, I move that section 4 be stricken out.
Mr. CANNON. Mr. Chairman, I am opposed to striking it out. It provides that it should not thereafter be changed except by a two-thirds vote.
Mr. JAMES. Mr. Chairman, if I understand the question right, I am in favor of striking it out.
The capital is fixed at Salt Lake now permanently.
Mr. CREER. Mr. Chairman, this is a provision that is almost universal: That it may be changed
by a two-thirds vote.
Mr. SQUIRES. I suggest to the gentleman from Salt Lake that that is a very wise provision. If
they get the capital located at Salt Lake it takes two-thirds to take it away.
Mr. JAMES. They cannot take it away at all.
Mr. SQUIRES. They can, by an amendment to the Constitution, at any time.
Mr. RICHARDS. Mr. Chairman, I desire to offer an amendment to this section. I think some
members misapprehend the scope of it. The fact that the capital has been located does not remove
the necessity for this section. I move that all of lines 1, 2, and 3, down to the word be, be stricken
out, and the following substituted: The location of the capital shall not.
The motion was agreed to.
Mr. THURMAN. I want to ask the gentleman a question. What is the use of this? Is it not liable
to be changed by an amendment to the Constitution, which requires the same vote? The vote is
by two-thirds to
{1627}
amend the Constitution. I am in favor of the motion to strike out the
whole section.
Mr. RICHARDS. I desired to amend the section before the motion to strike out was put. I shall
vote to strike it out at the proper time.
The question being taken on the motion to strike out, the committee divided, and by a vote of 28
ayes to 25 noes the motion was agreed to.
Section 5 was read.
Mr. ANDERSON. Mr. Chairman, I move we strike this section out.
The motion was agreed to.
Mr. CHRISTIANSEN. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment to make to section 6, subdivision 5.
Strike out all after the word blind, in line 17, and insert in the county of Sanpete, site to be
settled by the Legislature.
Mr. MURDOCK (Beaver). Mr. Chairman, I move to insert Fort Cameron, Beaver County.
Mr. RICKS. Mr. Chairman, I move we strike out all after and including line 16.
Mr. THURMAN. Mr. Chairman, I arise for information. Isn't there something in the Enabling
Act providing for an institution of this kind.
Mr. CORAY. Yes, sir; and an appropriation.
Mr. SQUIRES. Is it not attached to the university?
Mr. THURMAN. Well, I do not know as to that.
Mr. CREER. Mr. Chairman, there was no permanent institution for the deaf, dumb, and blind,
and there is quite an appropriation for that institution made by the Enabling Act. It is true, we
located the university, but not the institution for the deaf, dumb and blind.
Mr. THURMAN. Can any man inform me whether the deaf and dumb institute is a part of the
university now by existing laws? If it is, then it is located at Salt Lake City by our action the
other day. I am in favor of striking it out.
Mr. JOLLEY. Mr. Chairman, I trust that this motion will not prevail. I trust that it will be voted
down.
Mr. BUTTON. If the gentlemen will withdraw all their motions and pass this into the
Convention, they can make these amendments in there.
Mr. CHRISTIANSEN. I will withdraw the motion.
The committee then rose and reported as follows:
Mr. PRESIDENT:
Your committee of the whole has had under consideration the article on corporations other than municipal, on public lands, on salaries of officers, and report the same to the Convention with the recommendation that they be put upon third reading. They have also had under consideration the article on public buildings and State institutions, and report progress.
On motion the Convention then adjourned.
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